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खस क्षत्री–बाहुनको बकपत्र

रघु मैनाली

रघु मैनाली
रघु मैनाली

कुरा नयाँ होइन तर सान्दर्भिक भयो । त्यसैले केही लेख्नु जरुरी ठानेँ । म लिंग, नश्ल, वर्ण र रंगका आधारमा समाज र राज्यको परिभाषा खोज्ने प्राचीन मानव चेतनाको पक्षधर होइन । वर्तमानका मेरा सर्वजाति अभिभावक, संगी र भावी सन्ततिहरूबीच परस्पर घृणा फैलाउने र बदलाको भावना सिर्जना गर्ने कुरा म सोच्नसम्म पनि सक्तिनँ । तसर्थ, मेरै विगत र सन्निकट इतिहासको अतिव्याख्या, अल्पव्याख्या र अपव्याख्या भइरहेकाले तथ्य र यथार्थको उजागर गर्नु यो लेखको पहिलो अभिलाषा हो । इतिहासका नाममा चर्को स्वरले आफ्ना मनोगत स्वार्थहरूलाई भरमार व्याख्या गर्ने वर्तमानको नांगो ‘राजनीतिक’ प्रवृत्तिलाई खबरदारी गर्नु दोस्रो अभिलाषा हो ।

कुरा वर्तमानबाटै थालौँ । म नेपालको मेची महाकाली फैलिएर जुगौँदेखि बसोबास गरिरहेको खस बाहुन, क्षेत्री । एनेकपा (माओवादी) र केही कम्युनिस्ट कलेबरका जनजाति नेताहरूले हिजोआज चित्रण गर्ने गरेको सदिऔँदेखिको शासक र शोषणको पर्याय । नेपालको अन्तरिम संविधान–२०६३ को शब्दमा भन्दा म अन्य जाति । मेरो परिचय सत्ता राजनीतिको उन्मादले पटकपटक परिवर्तन गरिरहन्छ, जसले गर्दा मेरो विगत, वर्तमान र भविष्यको परिचय सत्ता स्वार्थका उन्मादी व्याख्याताहरूले आफ्नो अनुकूल व्याख्या गरे, गरिरहेका छन् र गरिरहने पनि छन् । भविष्यमा म कसरी परिचित हुन्छु, ठ्याम्मै थाहा छैन । तर, मेरो इतिहास, विगत र वर्तमानका बारेमा तपाईंलाई भन्नै पर्ने अब मसँग केही तथ्य, यथार्थ र सन्दर्भहरू छन् ।

अढाई सय वर्षअघिको नेपालको कुरा गर्ने हो भने यहाँ बाइसी चौबिसी राज्य थिए । ती राज्यमा वंशजका आधारमा राजा हुन्थे, शाह वंश, सेन वंश, मल्लवंश आदि । वंशजका आधारमा राजा हुनु भनेको जात वा सम्प्रदायको प्रतिनिधित्व गर्नु होइन । त्यसैले यस्ता राज्य व्यवस्थालाई इतिहासकारहरूले जहानियाँ शासन भने । त्यसबेला मेरो परिचय वंशीय राज्यको रङ्क थियो ।
मलाई पढाइएको इतिहासकै शब्दमा भन्दा विसं १८३० को सुरुआतसम्ममा गोरखाका शाहावंशीय राजा पृथ्वीनारायण शाहले बाइसी चौबिसी राज्यहरू एकीकरण गरी नेपाल देश बनाए । राजा पृथ्वीनारायणले १८३१ साउन २२ गतेको मुलुकी लाममोहरमा ‘किरात–लिम्बुवान क्षेत्र लिम्बू कुलभाइलाई दियौँ’ भनी लेखिदिए ।

यसैगरी रणबहादुर शाहले १८४३ सालमा लाममोहोर लगाई तिरो लिने अख्तियारी उनीहरूलाई दिए । राणाकालमा ठेक्काथितिअनुसार ३० रुपियाँ उठ्ती हुने ६० मुरी खलाखेत सरकारलाई बुझाउनेलाई सुब्बाको दर्जा र १५ रुपियाँ उठ्ती हुने ३० मुरी खलाखेत सरकारलाई बुझाउनेलाई राई दर्जा दिए । अहिले त्यही राणा शासकले दिएको दर्जा कमरेड अशोक राईहरूको चिनारी भएको छ । किपटीयाले आफ्नो किपटमा चलानीद्वारा अरू जातका मानिसलाई बसाउन पाउँथे । यसरी बसाइएका मानिसलाई रैती भनिन्थ्यो । उनीहरू रैतीबाट तिरो असुल्थ्ये । तिरोका अतिरिक्त सुव्बा जिम्मावालहरूले रैतीबाट असुल्ने ठेकीबेठी, नगद नजराना, झारा, दशैँभाग पर्थे । Continue reading खस क्षत्री–बाहुनको बकपत्र

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Intellectual Poverty

By Darshan Karki, after attending the David Seddon lecture last week

There is a distinct pattern to the workshops, public discussion and lecture series that take place in Kathmandu. Firstly there is the speaker or pundit or whatever name they are called by. They are supposed to have mastered the issue in question. In most situations the experts live up to their name. And in a rare case scenario the ‘expert’ clearly demonstrates a lack of understanding to the extent that they ‘boldly’ or ‘shamelessly’ allow someone else in the audience to take control of the discussion. Then there is an audience which is diverse and has come to attend the discussions for various reasons. Some come there with the sole purpose of listening to the speakers with no strings attached. They are there to learn whatever they can. Another kind are cynics. It doesn’t matter if their knowledge of the issue is nil: they are there to criticize and will not leave unless they have done so. The third type of attendees are the flamboyant ones. They are there to show off what they know. If the speaker utters a single word which they know of, their response will not stop until they’ve finished narrating the entire history of that term. The weapons they use will be jargons and sentences quoted verbatim from a book or else theories that the person in question knows by heart.
All this happens regardless of the fact that good speakers often start discussions by stating that they are not going overload their speech with technical terms for the benefit of the multitude. If talk programmes did not have a start and finish time then they would most likely be ruined by these smart alecs who are all keen to prove that they are the smartest ones in the room. College years spent in attending discussion of all sorts led me into believing that these types and scenarios covered all there was to see in the nature of such public lectures. But just when I had thought I had seen it all I went to see the recent 30th lecture series in Yala Maya Kendra. Continue reading Intellectual Poverty

Who Wants to Disintegrate Nepal?

Is This the Beginning of the End?

By Krishna Giri

The demand of ‘Madhesh Ek Pradesh’ is the most unpatriotic, unethical, immoral, bias and hypocritical act by any political force in history of Nepal. People from certain regions are neither calling themselves Nepali nor speaking their mother tongues and are enraged by the term Nepal. Most of them have adopted ‘Hindi’ as their official language raising apprehension about their credibility as well as their loyalty to ‘Maithili’ and ‘Bhojpuri’. Their secret meetings with Indian diplomats and official disgust slogans against ‘Pahade’ people have provoked and damaged unimaginable social harmony amongst Nepali people. The accents of ‘Tharus’ and ‘Chure Bhaware’ may sound little sympathetic but they too are standing for ethnicity based autonomy and many more communities are going to follow the suit. These voices of ethnic and racial based autonomy are the biggest and unprecedented threats to the national unity and sovereignty of Nepal. The most fearful question at this time is: Is this the beginning of the end to disintegrate Nepal? Continue reading Who Wants to Disintegrate Nepal?