Category Archives: Peace Process

Did UN official accused of bias by Israel protect Maoist violence in Nepal ? (Book Excerpt)

– by NepalForeignAffairs.com team

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Former senior UN bureaucrat Kul Chandra Gautam’s book is already creating a lot of ripples.

Ian Martin was the head of Amnesty International before serving as UN special envoy to East Timor and Nepal. He acted as the inaugural head of UN Mission In Nepal (UNMIN) from 2006 to 2009. UNMIN was established to assist Nepal’s peace process following the peace agreement between Nepal government and Maoist rebels in 2006. Martin is a Cambridge educated Briton, whose controversial role in Nepal led the Nepal government to reduce UNMIN’s mandate, before finally ending the mission in 2011, on a rather bitter note.

Martin has been heavily criticized by Israel for a report prepared by his team in 2009. He led a UN committee of four to investigate incidents during the Gaza War. Israel was joined by the US in calling the report as biased. Israel’s criticism stated, “in both spirit and language, the report is tendentious, patently biased, and ignores the facts presented to the committee.”

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Ian Martin was the head of United Nations Mission In Nepal (UNMIN) and led a committee to investigate incidents in the Israel-Gaza conflict. (Picture: ictj.org)

For the first time after the time of UNMIN, some of their activities and unreported incidents have been brought to light in a book by a former senior UN bureaucrat. Kul Chandra Gautam, who served as Assistant Secretary-General of the United Nations and Deputy Executive Director of UNICEF, has been involved with Nepali civil society and in the peace process. His book, “Lost in Transition: Rebuilding Nepal from the Maoist mayhem and mega earthquake” is out tomorrow. It has already created a lot of ripples in Nepal, including very approving reviews for its counter-narrative to the dominant view in Nepal that eulogizes violence and undemocratic means to grab power by destabilizing the state.

What follows is an exclusive excerpt from the book, detailing some role of UNMIN and its high officials in Nepal that very few people other than Gautam have been privy to.


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Kul Chandra Gautam, a former senior UN official details some of the unknowns regarding UNMIN’s role in Nepal. His book is out tomorrow (Picture: ipsnews.net).

… People began to see that UNMIN was unable to restrain the massive pre-election threats and violence by the Maoists against candidates of other political parties. Following the elections, and the installation of the Maoist-led government, people saw many illegal and criminal activities taking place in Maoist cantonments or by Maoist combatants outside the cantonments. UNMIN’s seeming inability to control or even monitor such activities began to erode the public’s faith in UNMIN.

A video-taped speech by Maoist Chairman Prachanda at a party training event in the Shaktikhor cantonment just prior to the 2008 CA election revealed how the Maoists had hoodwinked the UN into accepting much larger number of combatants than was actually the case, and how the party intended to use its cadres, including its ex-combatants, to influence the election. UNMIN’s credibility nosedived, when instead of protesting the Maoists’ cynical remarks disparaging it, UNMIN sought to defend itself and the Maoists by saying that Prachanda’s remarks “needed to be understood in a certain context”.

Some dramatic cases of criminal activities in the Maoist cantonments; the free access and use of the cantonments by Maoist leaders for political training and indoctrination; and the seeming inability of UNMIN to do anything about such actions, led to serious disappointment with its performance, especially given the Nepali public’s very high expectation of UNMIN. Increasingly a growing number of leaders of the non-Maoist political parties, civil society and the media became critical of UNMIN’s performance, many attributing a certain pro-Maoist bias on the part of UNMIN.

Worried about their poor judgment, in early 2010, I wrote a long memo entitled “Quo Vadis UNMIN?” and shared it with Karin Landgren, Ian Martin and Tamrat Samuel. I cautioned them about giving undue benefit of doubt to the Maoists and unfair criticism and pressure on NC/UML to be more flexible and compromising. I have retained copies of my long private exchanges with them – mostly by emails – in my files.

In essence, the UNMIN leadership listened to my views politely, but generally chose to ignore them.

UNMIN became so influenced by the circle of self-proclaimed “progressives” that it ignored and dismissed the views and advice of many Nepalis who had a much deeper understanding of and respect for the United Nations, including those who had served in senior positions in the UN system …

In September 2010, UNMIN had prepared a report of the Secretary-General to the Security Council (S/2010/453) on the status of Nepal’s peace process recommending further extension of UNMIN’s mandate. This report was so unbalanced and objectionable that four former Foreign Ministers of Nepal coming from different political parties – KP Sharma Oli, Chakra Bastola, Ram Sharan Mahat and Prakash Chandra Lohani – wrote a joint letter of protest to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.

As former foreign ministers, and strong supporters of the United Nations, they registered their objection to the tone and content of the whole report and pointed out several specific paragraphs which were against the letter and spirit of Nepal’s Comprehensive Peace Accord and related agreements. They objected to the report’s treatment of Nepal’s national army on par with the former rebel force, whose members were in temporary cantonments awaiting integration and rehabilitation. They also objected to the report essentially treating the Government of Nepal on par with the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist).

Indeed, neither the UN nor most Western diplomats insisted with the Maoists that if they wanted their cooperation, they had to unequivocally renounce violence, accept political pluralism (not just “multiparty competition”), and abandon their declared objective of “state capture” through either ballots or bullets.

Martin’s implied assertion that Nepalis … could not think for themselves, reminded me of the former Singapore Ambassador Kishore Mahbubani’s book entitled “Can Asians Think?” Yes, I argued, Nepalis can think for themselves.

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Karin Landgren replaced Martin as UNMIN head in Nepal. UNMIN has been controversial and accused of protecting Maoist violence in Nepal (Picture: frontpageafricaonline.com).

“अग्रगमनको सिरक ओढ्ने प्रतिगामी”

 प्रविधि र ज्ञानको विश्वव्यापीकरणले गर्दा अब २०१७ वा २०५२ मा गरिएका कुतर्क र हो-कि हो-कि जस्तो भान पार्ने भ्रामक गफ र आस्वासन, विषयको सार होइन व्यक्तिको नियत, तुच्छ गाली र ad hominem आक्रमणको बलमा गरिने राजनीति अब सकियो ।

डा स्वर्णिम वाग्ले

Dr Swarnim Wagle

हिजो (माघ ६, २०७१) हिंडेर सीतापाईलाबाट त्रिपुरेश्वरसम्म र त्यसपछि प्रहरीको गाडीमा संविधानसभाको बैठक हेर्न बानेश्वर गइयो । दर्शक दीर्घामा पत्रकारबाहेक अरु देखिएनन्, माथिबाट डेढघण्टाजति नाराबाजीगर्नेहरुको अनुहार एक्लै नियालें । त्यसपछि मलाई लागेका केही कुरा :

१. कराउँदै संसदनै कब्जा गरेजस्तो देखिँदा पनि माओवादीहरु हतास थिए, अवकाशको संघारमा उभिएको सेनाको असफल जर्नेल जस्तै ।खित-खित हाँसोका बीच गरिएको विरोधमा कुनै sincerity को छनक थिएन ।


“उत्पीडित जनता त भजाई खाने भाँडो वा सत्ता उक्लने भर्यांग भएको कुरो उनीहरुको अन्तर्मनमा थियो होलानै, अब यसको “सुइँको” बाँकी दुनियालाई पनि छ भन्ने कुरा थाहा भएर होला सायद हो-हल्लाको कर्मकाण्डमा कुनै नैतिक दम देखिएन ।”


उत्पीडित जनता त भजाई खाने भाँडो वा सत्ता उक्लने भर्यांग भएको कुरो उनीहरुको अन्तर्मनमा थियो होलानै, अब यसको “सुइँको” बाँकी दुनियालाई पनि छ भन्ने कुरा थाहा भएर होला सायद हो-हल्लाको कर्मकाण्डमा कुनै नैतिक दम देखिएन । त्यत्रो पद ओगटीसकेका प्रचण्डको टिठलाग्दो उपस्थिति र अस्तिदेखिनै उद्दण्ड देखिईरहेका जनार्दन शर्माको प्रस्तुति बिझ्ने खालका थिए।

२. सभामुख र मर्यादापालकहरु असाध्यै शालीन, बुढा कांग्रेसीहरु भद्र। एमाले पनि उस्तै संयमित – आज सुरेन्द्र पाण्डेले त भने रे हामीपनि एकताका यस्तै उग्र थियौं तर अहिले सुध्रेम ।लोकतन्त्रमा धैर्य र परिपक्वताले फल दिदोरैछ ।

३. यो नाटकको उत्कर्सबारे कांग्रेस-एमाले पूर्ण परिचित भएजस्तो गरेपनि, उनीहरुले जोर-जबरजस्ती नगरुन् । माघ ८ को मिति जाने भैगो, अब एक-दुइ हप्ता राप सेलाएपछि संविधानकालागि “बृहत सहमति” को प्रयास जारी रहोस, नयाँ वर्ष वा जेठ १५ लाई अन्तिम मौका ठानी । तर ठुलो जनमतलाई पनि साथ लानु पर्छ — हरेक मुद्दामाथि आफ्नो तर्क र logic खुलारूपले राखुन् । माओवादीहरू पतनोन्मुख भए भन्दैमा लोकतन्त्रवादीहरु गैर-जिम्मेवार हुनहुन्न — विगतको पीडा सम्झदा रीस उठ्दोहो, तर त्यसलाई schadenfreude मै सीमित राखून् ।

४. नेपाली जनता धेरैनै शिक्षित र सु-सुचित भैसके । प्रविधि र ज्ञानको विश्वव्यापीकरणले गर्दा अब २०१७ वा २०५२ मा गरिएका कुतर्क र हो-कि हो-कि जस्तो भान पार्ने भ्रामक गफ र आस्वासन, विषयको सार होइन व्यक्तिको नियत, तुच्छ गाली र ad hominem आक्रमणको बलमा गरिने राजनीति अब सकियो । धेरैनै आशा गरिएका तर चाडैं विश्वसनीयता गुमाएका केही क्रान्तिकारी ठुला नेताहरु यसका प्रमाण हुन् । नपत्याए एक पटक पढे-लेखेकाहरु चर्न निस्कने social media मा आँखा जाओस – जनमतलाई प्रभाव पार्ने तिनै १० प्रतिशत सुकिला-मुकिलानै हुन् | ठुलो सामाजिक मूल्यमै सही, माओवादीले ग्रामीण चेतना र हक-अधिकारको विस्तार गरे बापत इतिहासमा सधन्यबाद यथोचीत स्थान पाउनेनैछन्, तर अब बोक्नुपर्ने सम्वृद्धिको agenda मा माओवादीहरू अग्रगमनको सिरक ओढ्ने प्रतिगामीनै हुन् भन्ने धेरैको ठहर छ । “प्रतिगामी” सस्तो गालीको रूपमा हैनकि साच्चैनै उल्टो बाटो हिंड्ने अर्थमा । Median voter नै निम्न-मध्य आय आर्जने व्यक्ति र वर्ग भएको मुलुकमा सबै दल समाजमुखी र परोपकारी हुन अनिवार्य छ : सच्चा प्रगतिको मापन त अब राष्ट्रिय wealth create गर्ने र त्यसको न्यायोचित बांडफांड गर्ने/गराउने सवालमा कसको मार्ग-चित्र दह्रो छ भन्नेनै मूल प्रश्न हो । राष्ट्रिय चुनौती र विश्व अवसरहरु ख्याल गरी नेपाललाई कसरी चाडैं धनी बनाउने भन्ने हो । यो अभुतपूर्व कसरतमा उग्र-वामपन्थी सोच र कार्यशैली सहायक नहोला ।

५. नेपालमा तीनवटा ठुला राष्ट्रिय पार्टीहरूको लागी space देखिन्छ | यसमा कांग्रेस-एमाले र एउटा लोकतान्त्रिक त्तेस्रो शक्ति अटाउनेछन् । साना-मसिना जातीय वा क्षेत्रीय दल-रूपी पसलहरू त चल्दै गर्लान् । तर आजैदेखि अर्को चुनावलाई कसरी १००% स्वच्छ र निस्पक्ष्य बनाउने हो भन्नेतिर लागौं – आधुनिक प्रविधिमा आधारित राष्ट्रिय परिचयपत्र, विधुतीय भोटिंग मसीन लगायत अन्य विश्वसनीय माध्यमलाई पूर्णत लागु गरौँ । चुनावमा पैसाको प्रभाव र धाँधली कसरी कम गर्ने र पछि बल्झने gerrymandering को संभावनालाई पनि रोक्ने उपाय एवं अन्य बिकृतिहरु हटाइ कस्ता incentives हरूले राजनीतिलाई सफा बनाउला भन्नेबारे गृह-कार्य थालौं । तत्पश्चात अझ धेरै दक्ष युवा पिंढी राजनीतिमा पक्कै आउनेछ भन्ने आशा गर्न सकिन्छ ।

(This article was originally posted as facebook status by Dr Swarnim Waglé. We have reproduced here with his permission.)

आखिर, यो एकदमै सानो काठमाडौँ तलाउमा को सँग के मात्र भनेर झगडा गर्दै बसिरहने?

आखिर, यो एकदमै सानो KTM तलाउमा को सँग के मात्र भनेर झगडा गर्दै बसिरहने? मान्छे चिने पुगि हाल्यो — त्यसपछि हात हल्लायो, नमस्ते भन्यो, त्यै त हो नि, यहाँ को चलन, हैन र?
आशुतोष तिवारी
म हिमाल मिडियामा सिइयो भएर काम गर्दा (२००८) तिर त्यस बेला एक ताका त्यहाँ तैनाथ मजदुर सँगठन सँग खुबै मिटिंग र निगोसिएसन गर्नु पर्थ्यो। झण्डै हरेक हप्ता जस्तै — लामो, लामो मिटिंग, कहिले त राति १२ बजे, बिहान १ बजे मात्र सकिने मिटिंग। महिनौ लम्बिन्थे युनियनसँगका ति मिटिंगहरु।
के गरिएन ति मिटिंगहरुमा समस्या सुल्झाउन?आफुले जानेका ब्याट्ना, गेम थ्योरी, हाँस्ने-हँसाउने, हिसाब-किताब खुल्लम-खुल्ला देखाउने, कम्पनीमा सबैको भविष्य के गर्दा राम्रो हुन्छ भनि बुझ्ने-बुझाउने, कानुन का कुरा, पछि Sun Tzu को आर्ट अफ वार — सबै बिधि कानुनत: चलाइयो — र कालान्तरमा (by Feb 2009) सबै को सहयोग बाट काम सफल पनि भयो।
त्यो बेलाका युनियन, नन-युनियन प्राय: सबै साथी हरु सँग मेरो अझै पनि राम्रो सम्पर्क नै छ।

तर त्यो tension-filled crisis र high adrenaline को बेला मैले के देखे भने:
साँघु साप्ताहिक मा चाँहि मैले नै सम्भालेकै कम्पनि को बारेमा झुठा-झुठा समाचार आएको छ, आएको छ, लगातार, एक पछि अर्को, मेरो र म सँग त्यसबेला कार्यरत् केहि सहकर्मि हरुको बिरुद्ध मा, हामीहरुलाइ घरि-घरि बेकम्मा र खत्तम र झुर मान्छे बनाएर र देखाएर।फेरि कम्पनि मा कोहि-कोहि चाँहि मच्चि-मच्चिकन “सर्, आजको साँघु साप्ताहिक मा त यस्तो आएछ नि, है, गएको हप्ता उस्तो आएको थियो नि, है – हा, हा हा” गर्थे, खुबै मजा लिएर, आनन्द लुटेर।

मानौ, जसरि हुन्छ, हाम्रो मनोबल गिराउनु नै कसै-कसैलाइ ‘साँघु साप्ताहिक” मनपरि छाप्न- छपाउन दिएर नै के के न ठुलै काम गर्या जस्तो हुन्थ्यो।

शुरुमा त मलाइ “यो साँघु भन्ने के ताल को पत्रिका होला — जसले जे फन्टुस कुरा दिएपनि सन्कि सन्कि छाप्दो रहेछ, सत्यता स‍ँग त यसको मतलब नै रहेनछ, खालि मान्छेलाइ खसाल्यो, हा – हा, गर्यो यसलाई” जस्तो लाग्थ्यो।
तर जे होश, रिस जति उठे पनि, जे पनि मनपरि छापिदिने साप्ताहिक सँग झगडा गरेर आफ्नो इनर्जि र समय खर्च गर्नु भन्दा ट्रेड-अफ को रुपमा कम्पनि कै भलाइ (टर्न-अराउण्ड) मा म as the सिइयो लाग्नु पर्छ भनेर म चुपचाप आफ्नो काम गरिरहन्थे, भलै कसै-कसैको आँखामा साँघुले हियाएर कमजोर नै बनिएको जस्तो देखिएता पनि।
आखिर एउटा ठुलो युद्ध एकाग्र भएर जित्ने नै हो भने आएका स-साना र tangential लडाइँ हरु मा पनि त्यत्तिकै इनर्जि खर्च गर्नु हुँदैन — लडाइँ बरु ‘हारेर’ पनि युद्ध नै जित्नु दिर्घकालिन सफलता को एउटा शुत्र नै रहेछ।
तर पत्रिकामा आफ्नो बारेमा तथानाम गालि र झुठो कुरा आएपछि, सहन सक्ने शक्ति सबै मा हुँदैन। साँघुमा जथाभाबि खबर छापिएको दुइ-तिन दिन सम्म त मेरो समय आघात र घायल भएका एकदमै काम गर्ने त्यसबेलाका मेरा सहकर्मिहरुको गिरेको मनोबल नै उच्च पार्न मै जान्थ्यो।

के भन्ने?
Fast forward to Nov 2009:
No surprise: साँघु को हाम्रो बारेमा आएका झुठो समाचार हरु झुठै भइरहे। पछि कसले चाँहि हाम्रो बारेमा मनपरि कुरा छाप्न लगाएको रहेछ, मैले थाहा पाएँ र म कुनै तालले छक्क परिन — र तिनलाइ केहि भनिन।
आखिर नेपालमा कामै गर्ने हो भने खुराफाति गर्ने हरुको पछि लागेर केहि हुन्न, गरि रहुन, खाइरहुन — किनकि समयले नै देखाउँने नै रहेछ, को कति पानी मा थियो र छ भनेर।
Anyway, उता हिमाल मिडिया मा चाँहि सबैको सहयोग पाएर मलाइ दिेइएको काम राम्रै सँग सकाएर त्यसपछि हिमाल मिडिया को हितैषि नै रहि म ‘वाटर एड’ चलाउन तिर लागे।
तैपनि कुनै पनि बेला, यतिका बर्षमा, कहिले पनि मैले साँघु का सम्पादक गोपाल जि लाइ सोधिन — “तपाई ले किन यस्तो अक्षरको गोडमेलको नाममा झुठको खेति (पनि) गर्नु हुन्छ र के पाउनु हुन्छ त्यस्तो अरुलाइ बिन िसत्तिमा दुख र आघात दिने खेति बाट?” भनेर
तर हरेक बर्ष CIAA ले नबिराइकन वहाँलाइ (मात्र) दिने ‘CIAA पत्रकारिता पुरस्कार’ जसको घोषणा वहाँले “यो बर्ष पनि साँघु ले खत्रा पत्रकारिता को लागि फेरि पायो yay!” भन्ने आशयका साथ फेसबुकमा गर्नु हुन्छ, एउटा समान्य पाठकको हैशियतले म फिसिक्क हाँस्छु र एउटा लाइक भनेर औलाको डिजिटल चित्र कोर्छु
आखिर, यो एकदमै सानो KTM तलाउमा को सँग के मात्र भनेर झगडा गर्दै बसिरहने? मान्छे चिने पुगि हाल्यो — त्यसपछि हात हल्लायो, नमस्ते भन्यो, त्यै त हो नि, यहाँ को चलन, हैन र?
आशा छ, गोपाल जि जस्तो CIAA-सम्मानित सम्पादकले यो पाठक को यि कुरा हरु लाइ मनन् गरि पुलिट्जर वा सो सरह का पुरस्कार का लागि आफ्नो पत्रिका लाइ भेरिफाइ गर्ने सकिने समाचार नै छाप्ने बनाउन नै दिलो-ज्यान ले लाग्नु हुन्छ — यसमा मेरो सानो शुभकामना!
(This article was originally posted as facebook status by Ashutosh Tiwari. We have reproduced here with his permission.)

Rights and Wrongs. Two Photos, Two Stories. Justice and Injustice. Nepal

Nanda Prasad Adhikari and Ganga Maya Adhikari have been staging a fast-unto-death seeking justice for their murdered son Krishna Prasad Adhikari. Krishna was killed by Maoist cadres during the Maoist insurgency in Chitwan in 2004.
Nanda Prasad Adhikari and Ganga Maya Adhikari have been staging a fast-unto-death seeking justice for their murdered son Krishna Prasad Adhikari. Krishna was killed by Maoist cadres during the Maoist insurgency in Chitwan in 2004. Pic: eKantipur.com
Seventy former Maoist combatants (two of them pictured) formally entered the Nepal Army as officers on Monday (26 Aug). Former People's Liberation Army combatants’ integration into the national army was a key component of the peace process that began in 2006.
Seventy former Maoist combatants (two of them pictured) formally entered the Nepal Army as officers on Monday (26 Aug). Former People’s Liberation Army combatants’ integration into the national army was a key component of the peace process that began in 2006. Pic: eKantipur.com

Two powerful images were splashed on the front pages of Nepali newspapers over the past week. Lets start with the most recent one- that of the former Maoist combatants- smiling to cameras, holding and kissing their kids with their wives by their side- who have been integrated into the Nepali army as officers.

A reporter from Kantipur newspaper caught Basudev Ghimire, one of the graduating officers, by surprise at the graduation ceremony (Tue, 26 Aug) with a question: “Do you know Pawell?”

“No, I don’t,” came the reply from the man who, as a Maoist guerilla, was known as Pawell. “I have already forgotten it.” Continue reading Rights and Wrongs. Two Photos, Two Stories. Justice and Injustice. Nepal

प्रधानमन्त्री बाबुराम भट्टराईका सय दिन

one hundred days of prime minister baburam bhattarai
प्रधानमन्त्री भट्टराईको कार्यकालका प्रथम तीन महिनामा शान्ति प्रकृयामा प्रगति भयो, शुसासनको धज्जी उड्यो, कुटनीतिमा उनलाई केही सफलता मिल्यो । नराम्रा कामको अपजस सबै उनैलाई जानु स्वभाविकै भयो तर राम्रोको जस उनलाईमात्र जादैन ।

नेपाली सेनाको तत्परता, माओवादीको लचकता, भारतीय शुभेच्छा र कांग्रेस-एमालेको चाहना एकैठाउँमा आउँदाको सुखद परिणाम हो बितेका साताहरूमा शान्ति प्रक्रियामा भएको प्रगति 

Two faces of Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai
प्रधानमन्त्री बाबुराम भट्टराईका दुई पाटा : ठ्याक्कै तीन महिना अघि सेप्टेम्बर ३ मै मैले भट्टराईको व्यक्तित्वका विरोधाभाष खोतलेको थिएँ। पढ्नेभए फोटोमा क्लिके हुन्छ ।

दिनेश वाग्ले
वाग्ले स्ट्रिट जर्नल
यो लेख आजको कान्तिपुरमा प्रकाशित भएको हो । पत्रिकाकै पन्नामा पढ्ने भए यहाँ क्लिके हुन्छ : (पीडीएफ पहिलो पेज१४  पेज । चित्रकारुपमा हेर्ने भित्र/तल) 

खोप्लाङ, गोर्खाका बाबुराम भट्टराईले प्रधानमन्त्रीका रूपमा यो साता बालुवाटार, काठमान्डुमा सय दिने मधुमास पूरा गर्दैछन् । सामान्य अवस्थामा उनको कार्यावधिको मूल्यांकन आगामी मंगलबार थालिनुपर्ने हो । तर कतिपय रुष्ट नेपालीहरूले आफ्ना ३५ औं प्रधानमन्त्रीको राजीनामा अहिल्यै मागिसकेका छन् ।

‘बाबुराम, पद छाड’ भन्नेहरूको त्यो सूचीमा विपक्षी दलहरूका नेता र आफ्नै पार्टीभित्रका ‘खुट्टा तान्ने कमरेडहरू’ मात्रै भए त्यसलाई राजनीतिक दाउपेचको एउटा अस्वाभाविक उदाहरण भन्दै अस्वीकार गर्न हुन्थ्यो । तर यहाँ दुई महिनाअघिसम्म ५७ वर्षे भट्टराईलाई ‘हृदयका राजा’, ‘आशाका केन्द्र’ र ‘आइडल’ जस्ता प्रेम र प्रशंसाका शब्दहरू बर्साउने कतिपयले नै सबैभन्दा ठूलो मन्त्रिमण्डल बनाएको, हत्यारालाई माफी दिन खोजेको, प्रशासनयन्त्रलाई ‘ध्वस्त’ बनाएको भन्दै गाली गरेका छन् । प्रशंसकहरू निराश हुँदै उनलाई आफ्नो अपेक्षाविपरीत, अघिल्ला प्रधानमन्त्रीहरूजस्तै, निष्प्रभावी र ‘उही ड्याङका मूला’ भन्न थालेका छन् भने आलोचक र शंकालुहरू चाहिँ ‘मैले त भनेकै थिएँ नि’ जस्ता शब्दावलीबाट कुरा थाल्छन् ।

‘पहिले घरभित्र पसेर अवस्था के छ भन्ने नबुझी उहाँले बोल्नुभयो, मान्छेहरूले आशा गरे,’ पूर्वप्रशासक तथा पूर्वप्रमुख निर्वाचन आयुक्त भोजराज पोखरेलले भने, ‘अर्थमन्त्रीका रूपमा बनेको उहाँको राम्रो छविमा आधारित भएर जनताले उहाँबाट बढी नै आशा गरे । व्यक्तिगत रूपमा उहाँ अहिले पनि बदनाम हुनुभएको छैन । ‘भट्टराईले यसो गरे, उसो गरे, खाए’ भन्ने सुनिएको छैन । शान्ति प्रक्रिया टुंगिने बाटोमा बढेको छ, त्यसको जस उहाँलाई जाला । तर शासनलाई राम्रो पाटोमा लैजान र नतिजा देखाउने सन्दर्भमा उहाँ असफल हुनुभयो ।’ Continue reading प्रधानमन्त्री बाबुराम भट्टराईका सय दिन

Maoist PLA Integration: Latest Updates

1. The Party decides to end dual security to its leaders (removing Maoist PLA guerillas from some Maoist leaders’ security details. These leaders will continue to receive security from the government police/army)

2. Party hardliners are not happy with the Party decision. They table note of dissent.

3. The Party convenes a meeting where PLA guerillas/commanders are present. PLA men tell leaders to get unified- endorsing the Party’s decision and giving a blow to the hardline faction led by Mohan Baidya.

Here are events detailed in chronological order: (today’s report at the end)

JUN 01 – The United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) on Wednesday (1 June) unilaterally decided to end the two-layer security being provided to its leaders–a key demand of the main oppossition, Nepali Congress (NC)–amid opposition from the party’s hardliners. A meeting of the party’s office bearers also decided to bring vehicles being used by Maoist leaders–most of them stolen ones–within the legal ambit through proper registration. The NC had given the Maoists until Friday (3 June) to bring an end to the system where the former rebels get an inner layer of security from PLA men and the outter layer from the state security forces. Over 100 PLA combatants have been deployed for the security of Maoist leaders. There are 50 combatants for the security of Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal alone. Continue reading Maoist PLA Integration: Latest Updates

Maoist Combatants, in Theory, are Now Under Nepal Government

There would be prohibition for conducting political training to the Maoist army personnel inside or outside the cantonments.

The Special Committee overseeing the Maoist combatants on Thursday (yesterday) endorsed the directive related to the supervision, command and control, and code of conduct to be enforced on the Maoist army personnel living at the UN monitored cantonments.

The approval of the document marks a “significant step” for bringing the former rebel soldiers still living under the chain of command of the Maoist party under the government. The six-party Special Committee has also agreed to institute a 12-member secretariat body to control the combatants and their cantonments.

“With today’s decision, the combatants have formally come under the control of the government,” said Nepali Congress member in the Special Committee Ram Sharan Mahat. “They would be practically functioning under the government’s instruction after the special committee secretariat works on full fledged.”

Maoist representative in the committee Barsha Man Pun said the combatants have “in principle” come under the government after Thursday’s decision. “After making necessary arrangements, formal programmes will be organised inside the cantonments to announce that they are under the special committee,” said Pun. “The appropriate date of announcement would be fixed on the basis of political consensus.” Continue reading Maoist Combatants, in Theory, are Now Under Nepal Government

UN Secretary General’s Observations on Nepal

Observations part of the UN Secretary-General’s Report presented at the Security Council

8 September

28. Nepal’s peace process remains stalled, with few signs of a consensual way forward. The major parties are preoccupied by profound internal fissures and the question of power-sharing. While the extension of the Constituent Assembly by one year averted a grave political vacuum, over three months have passed without notable headway in the peace process.

29. UNMIN has continued to pursue the request of the Security Council to work with the parties to make arrangements for its departure. Interlocutors from all major parties have underlined, however, that they see no alternative to UNMIN monitoring at present. To help speed the creation of conditions that would enable the Mission to conclude its tasks, UNMIN has consistently and assiduously urged the parties to agree on measures that could be taken in the short term, and has made proposals to that end, ranging from steps to improve monitoring arrangements to strengthening preparedness for integration and rehabilitation. A non-paper prepared by UNMIN to stimulate discussion was leaked to the press, and its purpose misconstrued, leading to strong criticism of UNMIN for having exceeded its mandate, including, regrettably, from the highest levels of government.

30. Despite the sustained efforts of the United Nations Mission in Nepal, little progress has been made towards the conditions for its departure, as the continuing political stalemate has precluded the necessary cooperation among the parties. Six extensions of the mandate of the United Nations Mission in Nepal have taken place on the unfulfilled expectation, and the commitment of the Government, that the remaining key tasks of the peace process would be brought to a close. Those commitments have become unrealistic in the absence of a consensual approach. Following the resignation of the Prime Minister, Madhav Kumar Nepal, at the end of June, I encouraged the parties to intensify efforts towards the formation of a consensus government, and at the time of writing this remains my hope. Continue reading UN Secretary General’s Observations on Nepal

Nepal: Peace and Justice (ICG Report)

UWB Note: The following is the International Crisis Group’s latest report on Nepali situation. ICG is one of the many (I)NGOs that flourish in crisis. Many of its recommendations are mechanical making readers think that those who prepared the report have deliberately overlooked the ground reality that is so complex and demands deep understanding among the political parties.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Failure to address the systematic crimes committed during Nepal’s ten-year civil war is threatening the peace process. There has been not a single prosecution in civilian courts for any abuses. The cultures of impunity that enabled the crimes in the first place have remained intact, further increasing public distrust and incentives to resort to violence. The immediate priorities should be prosecutions of the most serious crimes, investigation of disappearances and action to vet state and Maoist security force members.

There are tensions between the pursuit of justice and the pursuit of peace. An absolutist approach to accountability for past abuses is impossible in practice and could obstruct the compromises needed to bring formerly warring parties together to forge a stable political settlement. But tackling impunity and improving accountability has a direct and acute relevance to managing Nepal’s fractious transition. Unaccountable and heavy-handed security measures by a state with weak legitimacy have escalated conflict before and threaten to do so again. Continue reading Nepal: Peace and Justice (ICG Report)

Happy Birthday Peace Agreement! May You Live Forever :)

Welcome to the Second Year Romance while we remember that rejuvenating day last year.

THE WAR IS OVER, NEPAL DECLARES!

Less than a minute ago, amidst a grand and historic ceremony, Nepali leaders agreed to end the war that killed more than 13 thousand people in the last 10 years. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and CPN Maoist Chairman Prachanda put their respective signatures in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement that formally ended the bloodshed in Nepal. The signature ceremony is being telecast live and it has been reported that people have started celebrating the historic achievement.
UWB post dated November 21st, 2006

Prof. Pyare Lall, on November 21st, 2006 at 9:05 pm Said:
It is a very big achievement. But let us see the implement from both sides particularly from Maoists. Let us wait and see.

Truth, on November 21st, 2006 at 9:11 pm Said:
A very good thing for Nepal and whole the Nepalese for the better future of the Nation.
Love Live Nepal !!

photoredde, on November 21st, 2006 at 9:22 pm Said:
So many times, especially when it comes to wars, what is said and what is done are often two very different things. I agree with Prof., let us wait and see… yet I am very excited for you and all the other Nepalis that have been effected for all of these years. I will be crossing my fingers for the future of Nepal.

Continue reading Happy Birthday Peace Agreement! May You Live Forever🙂