Category Archives: Guest Column

How Kathmandu Elites Capture Nepal’s Progressive and Political Agenda

By Ashesh
UWB Guest Blog

The elite group of Nepal includes people from different ethnic groups and various places. The richest people in Nepal are still from Madhesi, Newar, Thakali and Thakuri groups, apart from Bahun-Chhetri. Likewise , based on access to land, government services and education, elites of different ethnic groups are far ahead of an average Nepali person.

Some handful elite families from various ethnic groups and castes were privileged to study in high quality English-medium schools and renowned educational institutions abroad. They benefited the most from the Rana and Panchayat regimes and continued to do so in democratic times. Today, they are the most influential class in Kathmandu with deep political and financial interests. In the past couple of decades, they have coined a jargon “hill upper caste ruling elites” to pose as advocate for marginalized people as they saw movements targeted against them.

The “progressive elites” have become successful in creating an illusion among foreigners that these poor and rural folks are the ‘demonic ruling elites’ of Nepal and they, the real elites who benefited the most from the Nepali state since centuries, are the agents of change and progress.

Read: Madhesi Groups Have the Highest Representation in Government Jobs

This coinage has successfully helped them shield themselves from the rights-based movements by creating a “new” enemy.  In their narrative, the oppressors are the ‘hill upper caste ruling elites’ while oppressed are the marginalized ethnic, regional communities. And they ‘courageously’ side with the marginalized ones to attack the ‘hill upper caste ruling elites’, euphemism for the poor and rural Bahuns and Chhetris.

This is a letter to all these Kathmandu elites to remind them who they are and that there are many out there who don’t believe the narrative that they have been selling.

Dear Kathmandu elites,

  • Given that you and your families are part of feudal ruling elite class, you may think all Bahun-Chhetri enjoyed similar privilege. But hard facts like HDI figures and other research show there are many poor Bahun-Chhetri people. People of diverse communities have enjoyed more access and privilege from the Nepali state.

Continue reading How Kathmandu Elites Capture Nepal’s Progressive and Political Agenda

आफ्नै छोराछोरीलाई ‘ठूलो रक्तपात’मा होम्ने ताकत छ संग्रौलाजी ?

पारु लिम्बु
युडब्ल्युबी/गेस्ट ब्लग

khasa
Popular writer Khagendra Sangraula saying there will be a bloodbath without an autonomous Limbuwan province. Paru Limbu challenges him to shed the blood of his own family and asks Sangraula not to entice violence from ordinary Limbus.

सामाजिक सञ्जाल पनि बडो अनौठो लाग्छ । यसो केही लेख्यो प्रतिक्रियाहरु थुप्रिने । तर आधिकारीक भने नहुने ।

प्रगतिशील भनिएका लेखक खगेन्द्र संग्रौलाको झण्डै ३ महिना पहिला छापिएको एउटा अन्तर्वार्ता आँखामा ठोकिन आईपुग्यो । अन्तर्वार्ताको हेडलाईन थियोः “लिम्बुवान स्वायत्तता नभए ठुलो रक्तपात हुन्छ˝ । अन्तर्वार्ता पढ्नासाथ मेरो मनमा थुप्रै प्रश्नहरु ओहिरिए ।

कति सजिलोसँग हिंसाको लागि उकास्न सकेका यी मनुवाले भन्ने । अर्कोतर्फ फेरी यही हेडलाईन मनमा खेलाएँ र सम्झिँएः के यो अभिव्यक्ति हिंसाको पुजारी बाहेक सामान्य मानिसले दिन सक्छ? अझै गहिरो प्रश्नः ठुलो रक्तपातको लागि त रगत बगाउनुपर्छ । रगत कसले बगाउने? संग्रौला परिवारले? के संगौला परिवार रगत बगाउन तयार छ? के होसहवास् मै यस्तो बोले त खगेन्द्र संग्रौलाले?

यसपछि मेरो मनमा थप प्रश्नहरु उठ्दै गए । संग्रौलाजी जस्तो “आर्दशवादी” व्यक्तिले आफू र आफ्नो परिवारलाई रक्तपातमा नहोमी लिम्बुलाई रक्तपातमा होमिन कसरी आव्हान गरे होलान र?

यस विषयमा जान्ने इच्छा तिव्र भयो र मैले संगौलाजीलाई प्रत्यक्ष सम्बोधन गरेर ट्विट गरेँः तपाँई उग्र क्रान्तिकारी भएकोले सबैले सोधिरहेका छन्ः तपाईँका सबै सन्तान यहि देशमा छन्? की अमेरिका युरोपमा? जवाफ दिनुस है मान्यबर ।

ट्विटगर्ना साथ टिवटे प्रतिक्रिया शुरु भयो । मोटामोटी रुपमा ट्विटमा (टाईमलाईन र डिएम)मा के कस्ता प्रतिक्रिया प्राप्त भए भन्ने म यसरी प्रस्तुत गर्न अनुमति चाहन्छु:

तपाईँका सन्तानहरु विदेशतिर छन् । तपाईँ पनि केही समय अमेरिकातिर बस्नुभएको थियो । त्यता बस्न गाह्रो भएर नेपाल नै फर्कनु भयो । तपाईँले छोरा विदेश गएपछिको दशैंमा दशैंको प्रतिकात्मक महत्व दर्शाउँदै छोराछोरी विना दशैं मनाउन पर्दाको पीडा समेटेर लेख लेख्नुभएको छ ।

कतिपयले भने तपाईँको उमेर पुगेका छोराछोरीको उनीहरु अनुकुल जीवन बिताउनु अधिकार हो । यसमा सार्वजनिक बहस जरुरी छैन । भन्ने प्रतिक्रिया पनि व्यक्त गरे ।

म व्यक्तिगत रुपमा तपाईँको छोराछोरीको गोपनियताको हकको उच्च सम्मान गर्दछु र यो देशका हरेक बयश्क नागरिकले आफ्नो व्यक्तिगत निर्णय गर्न स्वतन्त्र छ भन्ने पनि विश्वास गर्दछु ।

सँगै म सम्झन्छु माहात्मा गान्धीलाई । उनी भन्दथे जुन कुरा तिमि तिम्रो जिवनमा लागु गर्न सक्दैनौं त्यो कुरा अरु व्यक्तिमा लाद्नु ठिक होइन । उनी यतिसम्म आदर्शवादी थिए की आफूले चीनी खान छोड्न नसक्दासम्म गाउँका बालबालिकालाई चीनी धेरै खान हुन्न भन्ने अनुरोध समेत गरेनन् । अर्थात आफुले नै कार्यान्वयन गर्न नसक्ने आदर्श अरुलाई सुनाउन हुन्न भन्ने ठान्दथे गान्धी ।

ठुलो रक्तपात भन्ने शब्दले बोकेको अर्थ के हो पक्कै थाहा पाएर नै तपाईँले अन्तर्वार्ता दिनुभयो होला । रक्तपातको “आदर्श” छाँट्नु अघि तपाईँले एकपटक आफ्नो छोराछोरीको रगत बगे के हुन्छ भन्ने कल्पना गर्नुभयो? की तपाईँलाई कथित प्रगतिशील र क्रान्तिकारी बनाईदिन जनताका छोराछोरीले मात्र रगत बगाउनुपर्ने हो?

यदी म तपाईँकी छोरी भईदिएको भए निश्चय नै भन्ने थिएँः बाबा सोझा जनतालाई रगत बनाउन आव्हान गरिएका विचार छाड्नुहोस् । तपाईँ आफ्नै सन्तानका अनुहार सम्झेर भएपनि मर्ने र मार्ने कामको वकालत छाड्नुहोस ।

मलाई आशा छ तपाईँको छोराछोरीले पनि तपाईँलाई यो अनुरोध गर्नुभएको छ । तपाईँको छोराछोरीलाई यो महसुस पक्कै होला की यो देशमा “ठुलो रक्तपात” हुँदा साना मान्छेहरु अर्थात गरिब मान्छेहरु नै मारमा पर्दछन । उनीहरु जस्ता सयौं छोराछोरीहरुको विचल्लि हुन्छ । ज्यान जान्छ ।

गोपनियताको हकको सम्मान गर्दै, व्यक्तिगत प्रश्न भएकोमा माफी माग्दै म नम्रतापुर्वक प्रश्न गर्न चाहन्छु कृपया एकपटक आफ्नै छोराछोरीलाई सोध्नुहोस्ः मैले गरेको ठुलो रक्तपातको आव्हान कसको लागि हो? यसले सोझा जनताका छोराछोरीको हित गर्छ ? गरिब लिम्बुहरुको हीतमा छ ठुलो रक्तपात?

संग्रौलाजी काठमाडौं निर्मम छ । निर्दयी छ । टाठाबाठा बाहुनक्षेत्री र टाठाबाठा जनजाती नेताहरुको एकता छ । हिजोका शाषकका सन्तानहरुसँग केही टाठाबाठा जनजाती नेताको मुद्धाहरुमा एकता जस्तो देखिन्छ । खास त्यो स्वार्थको एकता हो । धनी र शाषक बाहुन र धनी र अग्रभागमा रहेका अन्य जातजातीको मिलोमतो छ । टाठाबाठा बाहुनलाइ गरिब बाहुनको सत्तोसराप गरेर “प्रगतिशील/क्रान्तिकारी” देखिनु छ भने टाठाबाठा जनजाती नेताहरुलाई पनि टाठाबाठा बाहुनको समर्थनमा मुलधारमा उपस्थिति देखाउनु छ । तपाईंकै दर्शनमा हिजो देशका गरिबलाइ चुसेर पढेकाहरु आज अचानक “क्रान्तिकारी” हुनु कत्तिको प्राकृतिक हो? आफैं बुझ्नुहोला ।

सबै क्षेत्रीबाहुन शाषक हुन भने तपाईँ पनि शाषक नै हो नी होईन र? सबै क्षेत्रीबाहुन शोषक हुन भने तपाईँ पनि शोषक नै हो नी हैन र? की तपाईँजस्तो बिचार राख्ने बाहुन मात्रै “प्रगतिशील” र फरक विचार राख्ने गाउँको हली पनि सामन्त हो र? गोलमोटोल शब्द प्रयोग गरेर धनी बाहुन र वास्तविक शाषकहरुको चाकडी र गरिब पहाडे बाहुनलाई सत्तोसराप गर्नुको फाईदा के?

संग्रौलाजी तपाईँको जस्तो लामो अनुभव त मेरो छैन । कहिलेकाँही सुन्थे तपाईँ बामपन्थी विश्लेषक हो भन्ने । वामपन्थि विश्लेषकले वर्गको कुरा कस्तो भुलेको?

वर्गको कुरा भुल्नुस ठिक छ । तर जातजातिकोबीचमा फाटो ल्याउने काम नगर्नु होला । हरेक पटक बोल्दा सम्झने गर्नुस तपाईँका छोराछोरी र अरु बाआमाको छोराछोरीको जीवनको मुल्य बराबर होईन र?

अन्तमा, व्यक्तिगत टिकाटिप्पणी हुन पुगेको भए माफ पाउँ। अप्रिय र बिझ्ने शब्द परेको भए नि माफ पाउँ। यो मेरो व्यक्तिगत भावना हो। तपाईंको छोराछोरीको उदाहरण प्रस्तुत गरे पनि म वहाँहरुले यो देशका आम मानिसका छोराछोरीले जस्तो द्वन्द र हिंसा भोग्न नपरोस भन्ने कामना गर्दछु।

(हाल: लाहान)

आखिर, यो एकदमै सानो काठमाडौँ तलाउमा को सँग के मात्र भनेर झगडा गर्दै बसिरहने?

आखिर, यो एकदमै सानो KTM तलाउमा को सँग के मात्र भनेर झगडा गर्दै बसिरहने? मान्छे चिने पुगि हाल्यो — त्यसपछि हात हल्लायो, नमस्ते भन्यो, त्यै त हो नि, यहाँ को चलन, हैन र?
आशुतोष तिवारी
म हिमाल मिडियामा सिइयो भएर काम गर्दा (२००८) तिर त्यस बेला एक ताका त्यहाँ तैनाथ मजदुर सँगठन सँग खुबै मिटिंग र निगोसिएसन गर्नु पर्थ्यो। झण्डै हरेक हप्ता जस्तै — लामो, लामो मिटिंग, कहिले त राति १२ बजे, बिहान १ बजे मात्र सकिने मिटिंग। महिनौ लम्बिन्थे युनियनसँगका ति मिटिंगहरु।
के गरिएन ति मिटिंगहरुमा समस्या सुल्झाउन?आफुले जानेका ब्याट्ना, गेम थ्योरी, हाँस्ने-हँसाउने, हिसाब-किताब खुल्लम-खुल्ला देखाउने, कम्पनीमा सबैको भविष्य के गर्दा राम्रो हुन्छ भनि बुझ्ने-बुझाउने, कानुन का कुरा, पछि Sun Tzu को आर्ट अफ वार — सबै बिधि कानुनत: चलाइयो — र कालान्तरमा (by Feb 2009) सबै को सहयोग बाट काम सफल पनि भयो।
त्यो बेलाका युनियन, नन-युनियन प्राय: सबै साथी हरु सँग मेरो अझै पनि राम्रो सम्पर्क नै छ।

तर त्यो tension-filled crisis र high adrenaline को बेला मैले के देखे भने:
साँघु साप्ताहिक मा चाँहि मैले नै सम्भालेकै कम्पनि को बारेमा झुठा-झुठा समाचार आएको छ, आएको छ, लगातार, एक पछि अर्को, मेरो र म सँग त्यसबेला कार्यरत् केहि सहकर्मि हरुको बिरुद्ध मा, हामीहरुलाइ घरि-घरि बेकम्मा र खत्तम र झुर मान्छे बनाएर र देखाएर।फेरि कम्पनि मा कोहि-कोहि चाँहि मच्चि-मच्चिकन “सर्, आजको साँघु साप्ताहिक मा त यस्तो आएछ नि, है, गएको हप्ता उस्तो आएको थियो नि, है – हा, हा हा” गर्थे, खुबै मजा लिएर, आनन्द लुटेर।

मानौ, जसरि हुन्छ, हाम्रो मनोबल गिराउनु नै कसै-कसैलाइ ‘साँघु साप्ताहिक” मनपरि छाप्न- छपाउन दिएर नै के के न ठुलै काम गर्या जस्तो हुन्थ्यो।

शुरुमा त मलाइ “यो साँघु भन्ने के ताल को पत्रिका होला — जसले जे फन्टुस कुरा दिएपनि सन्कि सन्कि छाप्दो रहेछ, सत्यता स‍ँग त यसको मतलब नै रहेनछ, खालि मान्छेलाइ खसाल्यो, हा – हा, गर्यो यसलाई” जस्तो लाग्थ्यो।
तर जे होश, रिस जति उठे पनि, जे पनि मनपरि छापिदिने साप्ताहिक सँग झगडा गरेर आफ्नो इनर्जि र समय खर्च गर्नु भन्दा ट्रेड-अफ को रुपमा कम्पनि कै भलाइ (टर्न-अराउण्ड) मा म as the सिइयो लाग्नु पर्छ भनेर म चुपचाप आफ्नो काम गरिरहन्थे, भलै कसै-कसैको आँखामा साँघुले हियाएर कमजोर नै बनिएको जस्तो देखिएता पनि।
आखिर एउटा ठुलो युद्ध एकाग्र भएर जित्ने नै हो भने आएका स-साना र tangential लडाइँ हरु मा पनि त्यत्तिकै इनर्जि खर्च गर्नु हुँदैन — लडाइँ बरु ‘हारेर’ पनि युद्ध नै जित्नु दिर्घकालिन सफलता को एउटा शुत्र नै रहेछ।
तर पत्रिकामा आफ्नो बारेमा तथानाम गालि र झुठो कुरा आएपछि, सहन सक्ने शक्ति सबै मा हुँदैन। साँघुमा जथाभाबि खबर छापिएको दुइ-तिन दिन सम्म त मेरो समय आघात र घायल भएका एकदमै काम गर्ने त्यसबेलाका मेरा सहकर्मिहरुको गिरेको मनोबल नै उच्च पार्न मै जान्थ्यो।

के भन्ने?
Fast forward to Nov 2009:
No surprise: साँघु को हाम्रो बारेमा आएका झुठो समाचार हरु झुठै भइरहे। पछि कसले चाँहि हाम्रो बारेमा मनपरि कुरा छाप्न लगाएको रहेछ, मैले थाहा पाएँ र म कुनै तालले छक्क परिन — र तिनलाइ केहि भनिन।
आखिर नेपालमा कामै गर्ने हो भने खुराफाति गर्ने हरुको पछि लागेर केहि हुन्न, गरि रहुन, खाइरहुन — किनकि समयले नै देखाउँने नै रहेछ, को कति पानी मा थियो र छ भनेर।
Anyway, उता हिमाल मिडिया मा चाँहि सबैको सहयोग पाएर मलाइ दिेइएको काम राम्रै सँग सकाएर त्यसपछि हिमाल मिडिया को हितैषि नै रहि म ‘वाटर एड’ चलाउन तिर लागे।
तैपनि कुनै पनि बेला, यतिका बर्षमा, कहिले पनि मैले साँघु का सम्पादक गोपाल जि लाइ सोधिन — “तपाई ले किन यस्तो अक्षरको गोडमेलको नाममा झुठको खेति (पनि) गर्नु हुन्छ र के पाउनु हुन्छ त्यस्तो अरुलाइ बिन िसत्तिमा दुख र आघात दिने खेति बाट?” भनेर
तर हरेक बर्ष CIAA ले नबिराइकन वहाँलाइ (मात्र) दिने ‘CIAA पत्रकारिता पुरस्कार’ जसको घोषणा वहाँले “यो बर्ष पनि साँघु ले खत्रा पत्रकारिता को लागि फेरि पायो yay!” भन्ने आशयका साथ फेसबुकमा गर्नु हुन्छ, एउटा समान्य पाठकको हैशियतले म फिसिक्क हाँस्छु र एउटा लाइक भनेर औलाको डिजिटल चित्र कोर्छु
आखिर, यो एकदमै सानो KTM तलाउमा को सँग के मात्र भनेर झगडा गर्दै बसिरहने? मान्छे चिने पुगि हाल्यो — त्यसपछि हात हल्लायो, नमस्ते भन्यो, त्यै त हो नि, यहाँ को चलन, हैन र?
आशा छ, गोपाल जि जस्तो CIAA-सम्मानित सम्पादकले यो पाठक को यि कुरा हरु लाइ मनन् गरि पुलिट्जर वा सो सरह का पुरस्कार का लागि आफ्नो पत्रिका लाइ भेरिफाइ गर्ने सकिने समाचार नै छाप्ने बनाउन नै दिलो-ज्यान ले लाग्नु हुन्छ — यसमा मेरो सानो शुभकामना!
(This article was originally posted as facebook status by Ashutosh Tiwari. We have reproduced here with his permission.)

Intellectual Honesty & “A Big Fish in a Small Pond” Syndrome in K-town

If one is not intellectually honest about small things, one cannot be honest about bigger things

Ashutosh Tiwari

Not at all surprised that people are finally up in arms about CK Lal’s supposed intellectualism.

I had my first newspaper ‘fight’ with him in 1992, when he unfairly criticized my article published in the then The Independent. His criticisms were personal, and NOT at all related to whatever the demerits were of that article on education.

I had my second newspaper ‘fight’ with him in 1999, when, upon reading one of his newspaper pieces, I realized that he had shoddy understanding of the ‘laws of war’ (i.e. jus in bello and jus ad bellum), and was (ab)using these international legal terms to write about the then raging Maoist war. [I even showed his article to a professor in whose course on international law I had received an A, and for which I had written a 20-page paper on the laws of war, with applications to the then Maoist war. The professor agreed with my characterization of CK’s misunderstanding of those Latin terms.]

I had my third ‘fight’ with CK in the early 2000s when he wrote that Narayan Gopal, the singer, was a taxi-driver. Continue reading Intellectual Honesty & “A Big Fish in a Small Pond” Syndrome in K-town

Tomorrow: Thoughts of a Nepali Student in New York

The real question is what will each of us give back to the country to which we owe our identity? Or will there be no members of our generations to shoulder the responsibility – will there just be a void?

By a Nepali student
This article titled was originally published in the Nov 1-15 issue of New York Nepali Samachar.

Still cannot get to sleep, I turn lazily to the other side of the bed. I open my eyes to glance at the alarm clock; the green digits read 2:00. Five more hours and it is going to come to life, force me out of bed to go to school, then work, and back home late at night. Time never stops, does it? Time passes away with each blink of an eye, and it is up to us to utilize it. The feeling of uneasiness grips me again; and the reason is suddenly clear. I have been thinking about my conversation with Dikshya di and Dipendra dai over tea this afternoon. I have been thinking about what next after graduation.

There are many Nepali students like me in the United States, and many more scattered in countries all over the globe, who have left Nepal in pursuit of higher education. The number is definitely substantial, as I myself have only a handful of friends back home. As students we make immense sacrifices to get that degree we came here for. We think of graduating as our salvation. We hope for an American dream, to get rich and have that perfect house and the perfect job. But what are the chances? And what about Nepal, the essence of who we are? So, when Dipendra dai and Dikshya di both voiced their decision to go back to Nepal after graduation, I had an array of emotions. Shock, admiration, confusion, respect.

Continue reading Tomorrow: Thoughts of a Nepali Student in New York

Reading Palpasa Café in English

By James Sharrock

Palpasa CafeThe English language translation of the best-selling Nepali novel Palpasa Café by Narayan Wagle is out now. Palpasa Café is the story of an artist, Drishya, who falls in love with a Nepali American returnee, Palpasa and also, via a college friend, sees the effects of Nepal’s conflict in the hills.

Wagle’s book stands out primarily as an alternative account of the war in Nepal and an embodiment of what the central character, Drishya, calls ‘the stand…of the people who resisted the war-mongers on both sides.’ In broad brushstrokes, like the artist Drishya, Wagle too uses the novel to protest ‘against both warring sides…., my colours showing my support for the third camp.’

Wagle best features are in the broader canvas he paints – firstly in the disappearances and general tension of post-royal massacre Kathmandu and then, of the conflict in the hills. Wagle’s descriptions of schools being blown up, emptying villages, indiscriminate bombs, Maoist attacks on district HQs and mourning Nepali families are extremely hard-hitting and powerful. Novels in this form have a resonance than goes beyond anything produced from Wagle’s journalistic day job. Palpasa Café, almost incidentally, also neatly observes the individual stories in many other aspects of Nepal e.g. diaspora Nepalis, Gurkhas, Nepali-foreigner relationships and internal migration for school and work.

There are faults and things perhaps lost in translation. The descriptions and dialogues between Drishya and Palpasa seem, at times, highly stilted. Their awkwardness is intentional but maybe loses something in English. At their first meeting in Goa the repetitive description of Palpasa’s eyes as ‘fresh, juicy’ like ‘slices of pineapple’ sounds downright corny. The vocabulary improves later though. For example Drishya writes a beautiful letter to Palpasa via her Grandmother:

Your hopes are pinned on the gods, the farmers’ on the mountains and mine on you. I made you dance and you were happy.
The day I saw you dance was the happiest day of my life. It was as though the snow on the mountains was melting in the sun and a magnificent rainbow had appeared on the horizon.

Later too the Maoist underground figure Siddhartha and Drishya argue engagingly around the age-old debates of art and politics and whether it is ‘possible to create without destroying’.

Siddhartha, the old college friend and confirmed Maoist, sums up the difference between him and Drishya saying ‘You give too much weight to the importance of the individual.’ Drishya believes ‘in the supremacy of the free individual’ and cannot accept violence and deaths in the name of a supposedly greater communal good. Wagle too runs with this thread and privileges the individual victims’ stories above all other narratives.

There are times when the story comes apart. The description around the killing of Siddhartha, who is alone at the end, appears more much vivid than the bombed bus episode later. We are also asked to believe that Drishya is spectacularly unlucky in terms of being affected by the war. The individual tragedies and conflict inside the main protagonists is not always well connected with the outer violent conflict in Nepal. In general the Maoist figures and security forces have no real role in this novel and are intentionally shadowy, almost non-human ideologues. However, Wagle himself, in his final cameo appearance within the pages, acknowledges with a wink that he might not have done his characters justice and that ‘all written works are incomplete. Something’s always missing. There’s always more to add.’

Wagle’s message throughout the novel seems summed up by a simple boatman who rows Drishya away from death:

The boatman strained against the current. ‘It’s so sad to see war in our country,’ he said. It’s terrible to see our own people die. Don’t you think so, bhai?’

Diamond Jubilee Part of the Grand Design Gimmicks

Gyanendra, sidelined by people, is planning to organize a lavish party and a procession to mark his birthday that the nation celebrates no more in the next few days (23rd of Ashad) in Soaltee Hotel and in Narayanhitti Palace. No EPA leaders and any sensible person should attend that cursed party and procession.

By Prakash Bom

It would be utter humiliation of EPA leaderships if they even think to attend this diamond jubilee of a king who had freshly attempted to murder the democracy to become an absolute monarchy against the aspiration of people of Nepal. It would be disgraceful if an individual of the organization such as civil society’s or human rights’ or journalists’ or lawyers’ or teachers’ or workers’ or students’ who played active rule in people’s movement II participate in this jubilee that is nothing but the part of the grand design gimmicks. The gimmicks are intended to down play the democratic achievements of people’s movement II. Those political leaderships and professionals who will attend this jubilee their intellectual and political integrity for democracy will be shattered.

We have to understand a monarchy is an institution not an individual. But the feudal monarchy of Nepal has deliberately exercised the personality cult as easy gimmicks to subdue the people of Nepal. Monarchy’s practice of personality cult began most dominantly since the autocratic Panchayat regime. The oligarchic rule of Ranas did not make any fuss about the king’s birthday jubilees. Rather kings were confined in the palace. On the contrary, the palace was inspired by the communist dictatorship era to exercise personality cult to induce the people of Nepal with the politics of fear of the almighty king. As a matter of fact, people were frightened to death to speak against the king until just before the people’s movement I (1990). As a result, people’s movement II has been successful to transcend people of Nepal from this personality-cult-fear of the almighty king. Continue reading Diamond Jubilee Part of the Grand Design Gimmicks

Nepali Politics: Brahmin and Chhetri Everywhere

While for some this article might be yet-another-Bahun/Chhetri-bashing-crap and for others a voice that needs to be much more louder: When certain people willingly or unwillingly control too much share in a nation, it is very likely that that would bring long-term political instability and long run economic damages to the country. When 10% whites controlled the 90% of farm in Zimbabwe, we know what happened. Black market is exchanging 1 US dollar for up to 300,000 and economic pundits are predicting that the rate could well and truly reach up to a million by the end of this year. Less than 30% Brahmin and Chhetri enjoy more than 80% portfolios in: Bureaucracy, Scholarships, Business, Media, Army, Police, Customs, and Judiciaries etc.

By Krishna Giri in Australia

Few days back, a news item on nepalnews caught my eyes. It was a media release about writing the statute of the Nepalese American Journalist Association within six months and complete their legal registration process. President Girish Pokharel, vice president Sushil Neupane, general secretary Krishna Sharma, treasurer Gunraj Luitel and members Parl Regmi and Sharmila Upreti control this association. The list is not over yet. Manoj Acharya, Chandra Prasai, Hari Shiwakoti – and three advisors- Tara Baral, Krishna Kadel and Dr. Dharma Adhikari. Why I am telling these names? From the structure of this committee, I can see a topological view of Nepali politics and dominance of Brahmin and Chhetri in our society. (Even in the US, the Brahmin/Chhetri domination prevails!) Rules made and adopted by these people are Laws even today and they are not giving up yet.

Lets look at the most powerful interim ministers, who are responsible for making new Nepal, as described by them, where they exercise inclusive democracy- leaving behind no minority groups unheard: And the (Brahmin/Chhetri) list is:

• Giriaja Prasad Koirala – Prime Minister
• Ram Chandra Poudel – Peace and Reconstruction
• Krishna Bahadur Mahara – Information and Communication
• Pradeep Nepal – Education
• Ram Sharan Mahat – Finance
• Krishna Sitoula – Home
• Hisila Bhattarai (Yami)– Physical Planning
• Giriraj Mani Pokhrel– Health
• Ramesh Lekhak – Labour and Transport
• Gynendra Karki – Water Resource Continue reading Nepali Politics: Brahmin and Chhetri Everywhere

Nepal Comment: Catch Phrases and Road to Nowhere

By Chattra Bahadur

The catch phrases in Nepal change frequently. Usually, metamorphosis is almost invisible; however, it spreads uncontrollably like a wildfire. The media, knowingly and/or unknowingly, creates frenzy. We are instantly consumed by the season’s catch phrase and our reactions are often extreme, defying any logic and reaching a point of insanity. Then, we see, hear and read in the media from a new breed of self-professed experts, who seemingly have knowledge of everything. They often propagate radical, intense and idealistic conceptions that make one suspect whether these experts suffer from some delusional syndrome. Perhaps, the experts understand that radicalism does sell very well, given the Nepalese social milieu; at the same time, it is hardly a feasible proposition. Despite their shortcomings, they must be appreciated for pointing out that Nepal is in dire need of transformation in all spheres. Unfortunately, we are also witnessing a trend wherein the experts present a variety of piecemeal packages aimed at transforming one sphere (usually political environment) only at the cost of and/or neglecting other spheres. The rationale for this practice is that ‘correction of the political environment precedes correction of all the other environments’. It is myopic approach because the political environment influences, for instance say, the economic environment and, in turn, is influenced by it. In other words, one particular environment acts as the both cause and effect concurrently, and unidirectional relationship does not exist in the context of societal influences. Thus, only a comprehensive package of transformation, inclusive of all spheres, will be successful. Continue reading Nepal Comment: Catch Phrases and Road to Nowhere

Tale of Two Movements

Future of Nepal has gone in the wrong hands

By Mahesh Poudyal

After the euphoria of the so called April Revolution, the nation and its citizens seem to be slowly getting back into the reality of the situation. Especially their belief (if they ever truly believed) that the same incompetent and corrupt politicians would take the country out of the quagmire towards a brighter future is being shattered—those they helped into power have started showing their true face. The leader of this pack of incompetent politicians—no matter what his supporter would like to believe him as—is undoubtedly Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala. He has been the one who is trusted at every crucial period in the country’s political landscape post-1990, and he is without a doubt the one who has betrayed the peoples trust in him the most. Let us go through a few of his political sins— so to speak. Continue reading Tale of Two Movements