Category Archives: Nepali Society

#Nepal: Madhesi groups have the highest representation in government jobs

The dominant narrative promoted by a section of ethno-centric activists and intellectuals is that Nepali civil service is dominated by Hill Bahun/Kshetri and that the Madhesis are excluded and underrepresented.

This is the mixture of lies and half truth. A comprehensive research considering caste, ethnic and gender dimensions of Nepali society shows a different picture. The Nepal Social Inclusion Survey 2012 (NSIS) ranks different caste groups of Nepal on the basis of their representation in government services in proportion to the size of their population.

[Added on 21st December for clarity: the research states, “on the basis of percent of households with access to government jobs”. See Note below for more]

[Additional Note on 22nd December: The second picture below is a ranking based on representation compared to the size of population. The table is from the same study. The first chart is based on percent of households.]

Three high-caste Madhesi groups are at the top of this list.

Population groups by access to government jobs. Madhesi groups are ranked higher than others.
Population groups by access to government jobs. Madhesi groups are ranked higher than others.

[Related: The findings of the report were also published in Nepali in Setopati.निजामती सेवामा सबैभन्दा बढी प्रतिनिधित्व राजपूत, कायस्थ र तराई ब्राम्हण]

setopati

Top 10 ethnic groups over-represented in Nepali civil service when compared to their share of population. Madhesi groups rank at the top. Picture source: Setopati [Picture added on 22nd December].

The study reveals that some Madhesi communities: Rajput, Kayastha and Tarai Bahun have more representation in Government jobs than their share of population and are among the top seven most represented population groups of Nepal. Among the top seven ethnic communities, only two are Hill (Pahadi) communities. The remaining are Madhesi groups.

“The Madhesi B/C [Bahun/Kshetri] has the highest percentage (29.1%) in government jobs, which is followed by the Newar (26.3%), Hill Chhetri (21.5%) and Hill Brahmin (15.8%).” The findings of the multidimensional study state, “Dalits, including Madhesi and other caste groups, are well below the average.”

The study very specifically points out that Halkhor and Dom, two other Madhesi groups (ranked at positions 1 and 3), are mostly involved in public services of a low level (cleaning jobs). This suggests that other groups at the top level, including the Madhesi groups like Kayastha, Terai Brahmin, and Rajput do not share such characteristic.

It is important to remember that Madhesi (representing 20% of Nepal’s population) is not a single homogeneous population group. There are huge disparities within different Madhesi communities and their levels of progress. Several Madhesi groups (like Dalits) are among the most backward and disadvantaged in Nepal. At the same time, several other Madhesi groups (like Madhesi Brahmins, Kayasthas, Rajputs) are ahead of all other ethnic groups in Nepal in terms of Human Development Index (HDI), education, wealth, access to government services and opportunities.

[Related: Debunking Dr. Karan Sinsh’s misinformed comments on Nepal in the Indian Parliament]

Top ten ethnic groups in Nepal based on access to government jobs. Three Madhesi groups (Kayastha, Terai Brahman and Rajput are ahead of Hill groups like Chhetri (ranked 10) and Hill Brahman (ranked 14).
Top ten ethnic groups in Nepal based on access to government jobs. Three Madhesi groups (Kayastha, Terai Brahman and Rajput are ahead of Hill groups like Chhetri (ranked 10) and Hill Brahman (ranked 14).

The study reports that Hill Dalits, which is a broad group, are in the lowest position and Muslims only slightly above them.

NSIS shows that there is no domination of a single caste in Nepali civil service. Out of 98 individual caste groups covered by the survey, 20 castes have more representation in civil service than their shares of population.

According to the study, “Government jobs” covers employment by the government at both the national and local levels, according to the survey. “At the local level, it covers jobs in VDCs, municipalities, DDCs and other government line agencies. However, the level of job is not specified, therefore, including all levels from sweepers to officers.”

It is important to understand whether there is inclusion in government employment, because it is one of the pertinent institutions for governance, the survey states. The study was carried out by Central Department of Sociology/Anthropology of Tribhuvan University and published in March 2014.  It was funded by the Royal Norwegian Embassy (RNE) in Nepal through Social Inclusion Research Fund (SIRF)/SNV. The list of people who led the study can be seen in the picture below.

The team behing the research
The team behing the research

 

Note (Added 21st Dec 2015):

The study cited in this post is based on the number of households having access to government jobs. Our initial post missed this detail. All questions regarding the study and methodology should be directed to the concerned research teams. For more clarity, we are adding some statistics of some ethnic groups below.

According to the Population Census of Nepal 2011, average household sizes for some ethnic groups are:
Kayastha 5.1, Madhesi Brahman 5.1, Rajput 4.1, Thakuri 4.9, Newar 4.5, Chhetree 4.7, Hill Brahmin 4.2.

The Human Development Index (HDI) values (published by UNDP) for some ethnic groups are: Hill Brahman 0.557, Hill Chhetri 0.507, Madhesi Brahman/Chhetri (includes Rajput and Kayastha) 0.536, Madhesi Other Castes 0.460, Newar 0.565. The chart is included below for reference.

Screen Shot 2015-12-21 at 10.19.01
Human Development Index (HDI) values by major caste and ethnic groups of Nepal (2011, UNDP). Madhesi Brahmin, Rajput and Kayastha are included as “Madhesi Brahman/Chhetri”.

“अग्रगमनको सिरक ओढ्ने प्रतिगामी”

 प्रविधि र ज्ञानको विश्वव्यापीकरणले गर्दा अब २०१७ वा २०५२ मा गरिएका कुतर्क र हो-कि हो-कि जस्तो भान पार्ने भ्रामक गफ र आस्वासन, विषयको सार होइन व्यक्तिको नियत, तुच्छ गाली र ad hominem आक्रमणको बलमा गरिने राजनीति अब सकियो ।

डा स्वर्णिम वाग्ले

Dr Swarnim Wagle

हिजो (माघ ६, २०७१) हिंडेर सीतापाईलाबाट त्रिपुरेश्वरसम्म र त्यसपछि प्रहरीको गाडीमा संविधानसभाको बैठक हेर्न बानेश्वर गइयो । दर्शक दीर्घामा पत्रकारबाहेक अरु देखिएनन्, माथिबाट डेढघण्टाजति नाराबाजीगर्नेहरुको अनुहार एक्लै नियालें । त्यसपछि मलाई लागेका केही कुरा :

१. कराउँदै संसदनै कब्जा गरेजस्तो देखिँदा पनि माओवादीहरु हतास थिए, अवकाशको संघारमा उभिएको सेनाको असफल जर्नेल जस्तै ।खित-खित हाँसोका बीच गरिएको विरोधमा कुनै sincerity को छनक थिएन ।


“उत्पीडित जनता त भजाई खाने भाँडो वा सत्ता उक्लने भर्यांग भएको कुरो उनीहरुको अन्तर्मनमा थियो होलानै, अब यसको “सुइँको” बाँकी दुनियालाई पनि छ भन्ने कुरा थाहा भएर होला सायद हो-हल्लाको कर्मकाण्डमा कुनै नैतिक दम देखिएन ।”


उत्पीडित जनता त भजाई खाने भाँडो वा सत्ता उक्लने भर्यांग भएको कुरो उनीहरुको अन्तर्मनमा थियो होलानै, अब यसको “सुइँको” बाँकी दुनियालाई पनि छ भन्ने कुरा थाहा भएर होला सायद हो-हल्लाको कर्मकाण्डमा कुनै नैतिक दम देखिएन । त्यत्रो पद ओगटीसकेका प्रचण्डको टिठलाग्दो उपस्थिति र अस्तिदेखिनै उद्दण्ड देखिईरहेका जनार्दन शर्माको प्रस्तुति बिझ्ने खालका थिए।

२. सभामुख र मर्यादापालकहरु असाध्यै शालीन, बुढा कांग्रेसीहरु भद्र। एमाले पनि उस्तै संयमित – आज सुरेन्द्र पाण्डेले त भने रे हामीपनि एकताका यस्तै उग्र थियौं तर अहिले सुध्रेम ।लोकतन्त्रमा धैर्य र परिपक्वताले फल दिदोरैछ ।

३. यो नाटकको उत्कर्सबारे कांग्रेस-एमाले पूर्ण परिचित भएजस्तो गरेपनि, उनीहरुले जोर-जबरजस्ती नगरुन् । माघ ८ को मिति जाने भैगो, अब एक-दुइ हप्ता राप सेलाएपछि संविधानकालागि “बृहत सहमति” को प्रयास जारी रहोस, नयाँ वर्ष वा जेठ १५ लाई अन्तिम मौका ठानी । तर ठुलो जनमतलाई पनि साथ लानु पर्छ — हरेक मुद्दामाथि आफ्नो तर्क र logic खुलारूपले राखुन् । माओवादीहरू पतनोन्मुख भए भन्दैमा लोकतन्त्रवादीहरु गैर-जिम्मेवार हुनहुन्न — विगतको पीडा सम्झदा रीस उठ्दोहो, तर त्यसलाई schadenfreude मै सीमित राखून् ।

४. नेपाली जनता धेरैनै शिक्षित र सु-सुचित भैसके । प्रविधि र ज्ञानको विश्वव्यापीकरणले गर्दा अब २०१७ वा २०५२ मा गरिएका कुतर्क र हो-कि हो-कि जस्तो भान पार्ने भ्रामक गफ र आस्वासन, विषयको सार होइन व्यक्तिको नियत, तुच्छ गाली र ad hominem आक्रमणको बलमा गरिने राजनीति अब सकियो । धेरैनै आशा गरिएका तर चाडैं विश्वसनीयता गुमाएका केही क्रान्तिकारी ठुला नेताहरु यसका प्रमाण हुन् । नपत्याए एक पटक पढे-लेखेकाहरु चर्न निस्कने social media मा आँखा जाओस – जनमतलाई प्रभाव पार्ने तिनै १० प्रतिशत सुकिला-मुकिलानै हुन् | ठुलो सामाजिक मूल्यमै सही, माओवादीले ग्रामीण चेतना र हक-अधिकारको विस्तार गरे बापत इतिहासमा सधन्यबाद यथोचीत स्थान पाउनेनैछन्, तर अब बोक्नुपर्ने सम्वृद्धिको agenda मा माओवादीहरू अग्रगमनको सिरक ओढ्ने प्रतिगामीनै हुन् भन्ने धेरैको ठहर छ । “प्रतिगामी” सस्तो गालीको रूपमा हैनकि साच्चैनै उल्टो बाटो हिंड्ने अर्थमा । Median voter नै निम्न-मध्य आय आर्जने व्यक्ति र वर्ग भएको मुलुकमा सबै दल समाजमुखी र परोपकारी हुन अनिवार्य छ : सच्चा प्रगतिको मापन त अब राष्ट्रिय wealth create गर्ने र त्यसको न्यायोचित बांडफांड गर्ने/गराउने सवालमा कसको मार्ग-चित्र दह्रो छ भन्नेनै मूल प्रश्न हो । राष्ट्रिय चुनौती र विश्व अवसरहरु ख्याल गरी नेपाललाई कसरी चाडैं धनी बनाउने भन्ने हो । यो अभुतपूर्व कसरतमा उग्र-वामपन्थी सोच र कार्यशैली सहायक नहोला ।

५. नेपालमा तीनवटा ठुला राष्ट्रिय पार्टीहरूको लागी space देखिन्छ | यसमा कांग्रेस-एमाले र एउटा लोकतान्त्रिक त्तेस्रो शक्ति अटाउनेछन् । साना-मसिना जातीय वा क्षेत्रीय दल-रूपी पसलहरू त चल्दै गर्लान् । तर आजैदेखि अर्को चुनावलाई कसरी १००% स्वच्छ र निस्पक्ष्य बनाउने हो भन्नेतिर लागौं – आधुनिक प्रविधिमा आधारित राष्ट्रिय परिचयपत्र, विधुतीय भोटिंग मसीन लगायत अन्य विश्वसनीय माध्यमलाई पूर्णत लागु गरौँ । चुनावमा पैसाको प्रभाव र धाँधली कसरी कम गर्ने र पछि बल्झने gerrymandering को संभावनालाई पनि रोक्ने उपाय एवं अन्य बिकृतिहरु हटाइ कस्ता incentives हरूले राजनीतिलाई सफा बनाउला भन्नेबारे गृह-कार्य थालौं । तत्पश्चात अझ धेरै दक्ष युवा पिंढी राजनीतिमा पक्कै आउनेछ भन्ने आशा गर्न सकिन्छ ।

(This article was originally posted as facebook status by Dr Swarnim Waglé. We have reproduced here with his permission.)

आखिर, यो एकदमै सानो काठमाडौँ तलाउमा को सँग के मात्र भनेर झगडा गर्दै बसिरहने?

आखिर, यो एकदमै सानो KTM तलाउमा को सँग के मात्र भनेर झगडा गर्दै बसिरहने? मान्छे चिने पुगि हाल्यो — त्यसपछि हात हल्लायो, नमस्ते भन्यो, त्यै त हो नि, यहाँ को चलन, हैन र?
आशुतोष तिवारी
म हिमाल मिडियामा सिइयो भएर काम गर्दा (२००८) तिर त्यस बेला एक ताका त्यहाँ तैनाथ मजदुर सँगठन सँग खुबै मिटिंग र निगोसिएसन गर्नु पर्थ्यो। झण्डै हरेक हप्ता जस्तै — लामो, लामो मिटिंग, कहिले त राति १२ बजे, बिहान १ बजे मात्र सकिने मिटिंग। महिनौ लम्बिन्थे युनियनसँगका ति मिटिंगहरु।
के गरिएन ति मिटिंगहरुमा समस्या सुल्झाउन?आफुले जानेका ब्याट्ना, गेम थ्योरी, हाँस्ने-हँसाउने, हिसाब-किताब खुल्लम-खुल्ला देखाउने, कम्पनीमा सबैको भविष्य के गर्दा राम्रो हुन्छ भनि बुझ्ने-बुझाउने, कानुन का कुरा, पछि Sun Tzu को आर्ट अफ वार — सबै बिधि कानुनत: चलाइयो — र कालान्तरमा (by Feb 2009) सबै को सहयोग बाट काम सफल पनि भयो।
त्यो बेलाका युनियन, नन-युनियन प्राय: सबै साथी हरु सँग मेरो अझै पनि राम्रो सम्पर्क नै छ।

तर त्यो tension-filled crisis र high adrenaline को बेला मैले के देखे भने:
साँघु साप्ताहिक मा चाँहि मैले नै सम्भालेकै कम्पनि को बारेमा झुठा-झुठा समाचार आएको छ, आएको छ, लगातार, एक पछि अर्को, मेरो र म सँग त्यसबेला कार्यरत् केहि सहकर्मि हरुको बिरुद्ध मा, हामीहरुलाइ घरि-घरि बेकम्मा र खत्तम र झुर मान्छे बनाएर र देखाएर।फेरि कम्पनि मा कोहि-कोहि चाँहि मच्चि-मच्चिकन “सर्, आजको साँघु साप्ताहिक मा त यस्तो आएछ नि, है, गएको हप्ता उस्तो आएको थियो नि, है – हा, हा हा” गर्थे, खुबै मजा लिएर, आनन्द लुटेर।

मानौ, जसरि हुन्छ, हाम्रो मनोबल गिराउनु नै कसै-कसैलाइ ‘साँघु साप्ताहिक” मनपरि छाप्न- छपाउन दिएर नै के के न ठुलै काम गर्या जस्तो हुन्थ्यो।

शुरुमा त मलाइ “यो साँघु भन्ने के ताल को पत्रिका होला — जसले जे फन्टुस कुरा दिएपनि सन्कि सन्कि छाप्दो रहेछ, सत्यता स‍ँग त यसको मतलब नै रहेनछ, खालि मान्छेलाइ खसाल्यो, हा – हा, गर्यो यसलाई” जस्तो लाग्थ्यो।
तर जे होश, रिस जति उठे पनि, जे पनि मनपरि छापिदिने साप्ताहिक सँग झगडा गरेर आफ्नो इनर्जि र समय खर्च गर्नु भन्दा ट्रेड-अफ को रुपमा कम्पनि कै भलाइ (टर्न-अराउण्ड) मा म as the सिइयो लाग्नु पर्छ भनेर म चुपचाप आफ्नो काम गरिरहन्थे, भलै कसै-कसैको आँखामा साँघुले हियाएर कमजोर नै बनिएको जस्तो देखिएता पनि।
आखिर एउटा ठुलो युद्ध एकाग्र भएर जित्ने नै हो भने आएका स-साना र tangential लडाइँ हरु मा पनि त्यत्तिकै इनर्जि खर्च गर्नु हुँदैन — लडाइँ बरु ‘हारेर’ पनि युद्ध नै जित्नु दिर्घकालिन सफलता को एउटा शुत्र नै रहेछ।
तर पत्रिकामा आफ्नो बारेमा तथानाम गालि र झुठो कुरा आएपछि, सहन सक्ने शक्ति सबै मा हुँदैन। साँघुमा जथाभाबि खबर छापिएको दुइ-तिन दिन सम्म त मेरो समय आघात र घायल भएका एकदमै काम गर्ने त्यसबेलाका मेरा सहकर्मिहरुको गिरेको मनोबल नै उच्च पार्न मै जान्थ्यो।

के भन्ने?
Fast forward to Nov 2009:
No surprise: साँघु को हाम्रो बारेमा आएका झुठो समाचार हरु झुठै भइरहे। पछि कसले चाँहि हाम्रो बारेमा मनपरि कुरा छाप्न लगाएको रहेछ, मैले थाहा पाएँ र म कुनै तालले छक्क परिन — र तिनलाइ केहि भनिन।
आखिर नेपालमा कामै गर्ने हो भने खुराफाति गर्ने हरुको पछि लागेर केहि हुन्न, गरि रहुन, खाइरहुन — किनकि समयले नै देखाउँने नै रहेछ, को कति पानी मा थियो र छ भनेर।
Anyway, उता हिमाल मिडिया मा चाँहि सबैको सहयोग पाएर मलाइ दिेइएको काम राम्रै सँग सकाएर त्यसपछि हिमाल मिडिया को हितैषि नै रहि म ‘वाटर एड’ चलाउन तिर लागे।
तैपनि कुनै पनि बेला, यतिका बर्षमा, कहिले पनि मैले साँघु का सम्पादक गोपाल जि लाइ सोधिन — “तपाई ले किन यस्तो अक्षरको गोडमेलको नाममा झुठको खेति (पनि) गर्नु हुन्छ र के पाउनु हुन्छ त्यस्तो अरुलाइ बिन िसत्तिमा दुख र आघात दिने खेति बाट?” भनेर
तर हरेक बर्ष CIAA ले नबिराइकन वहाँलाइ (मात्र) दिने ‘CIAA पत्रकारिता पुरस्कार’ जसको घोषणा वहाँले “यो बर्ष पनि साँघु ले खत्रा पत्रकारिता को लागि फेरि पायो yay!” भन्ने आशयका साथ फेसबुकमा गर्नु हुन्छ, एउटा समान्य पाठकको हैशियतले म फिसिक्क हाँस्छु र एउटा लाइक भनेर औलाको डिजिटल चित्र कोर्छु
आखिर, यो एकदमै सानो KTM तलाउमा को सँग के मात्र भनेर झगडा गर्दै बसिरहने? मान्छे चिने पुगि हाल्यो — त्यसपछि हात हल्लायो, नमस्ते भन्यो, त्यै त हो नि, यहाँ को चलन, हैन र?
आशा छ, गोपाल जि जस्तो CIAA-सम्मानित सम्पादकले यो पाठक को यि कुरा हरु लाइ मनन् गरि पुलिट्जर वा सो सरह का पुरस्कार का लागि आफ्नो पत्रिका लाइ भेरिफाइ गर्ने सकिने समाचार नै छाप्ने बनाउन नै दिलो-ज्यान ले लाग्नु हुन्छ — यसमा मेरो सानो शुभकामना!
(This article was originally posted as facebook status by Ashutosh Tiwari. We have reproduced here with his permission.)

Intellectual Honesty & “A Big Fish in a Small Pond” Syndrome in K-town

If one is not intellectually honest about small things, one cannot be honest about bigger things

Ashutosh Tiwari

Not at all surprised that people are finally up in arms about CK Lal’s supposed intellectualism.

I had my first newspaper ‘fight’ with him in 1992, when he unfairly criticized my article published in the then The Independent. His criticisms were personal, and NOT at all related to whatever the demerits were of that article on education.

I had my second newspaper ‘fight’ with him in 1999, when, upon reading one of his newspaper pieces, I realized that he had shoddy understanding of the ‘laws of war’ (i.e. jus in bello and jus ad bellum), and was (ab)using these international legal terms to write about the then raging Maoist war. [I even showed his article to a professor in whose course on international law I had received an A, and for which I had written a 20-page paper on the laws of war, with applications to the then Maoist war. The professor agreed with my characterization of CK’s misunderstanding of those Latin terms.]

I had my third ‘fight’ with CK in the early 2000s when he wrote that Narayan Gopal, the singer, was a taxi-driver. Continue reading Intellectual Honesty & “A Big Fish in a Small Pond” Syndrome in K-town

Women Entrepreneurs in A Country Where Business was Men’s Domain

Women entrepreneurs in Nepal have come far but they still have a long way to go. Women entrepreneurs are still waiting for a situation where they will get a chance of working as freely as their male counterparts.

Siromani Dhungana/UWB

Over the last few weeks, I have met several women entrepreneurs who are doing amazing work in the entrepreneurial world. I listened to women entrepreneurs and got motivated from their amazing journey of struggle.

I was truly inspired by the struggle of the first generation women entrepreneurs in Nepal. I know, women still face problem from their very commencement of enterprise in Nepal. The society still does not believe in their capacity and even their own family does not want to invest their capital in the business run by women due to lack of confidence in the women’s ability to run a venture successfully.

Yet, they are doing very good especially in Small and Micro Enterprises (SMEs) field. Currently, women own about 14,300 small and medium enterprises in Nepal, accounting for 2 percent of GDP (registered formal sector) and employing over 200,000 workers. A study commissioned by International Finance Corporation (IFC), private sector lending arm of the World Bank Group, suggests that meeting their current credit requirements of US$ 106 million can increase their contribution to the economy.

Long Journey

The other day, I spoke with Hajuri Bista, a first generation women entrepreneur in Nepal. Business was men’s domain even few decades ago, she says. You know people used to laugh at women who were in favor of setting up venture, she shares her experience. Entrepreneurship was a male preserve and the idea of women taking up entrepreneurial activities was considered as a distant dream, she adds. Continue reading Women Entrepreneurs in A Country Where Business was Men’s Domain

खस क्षत्री–बाहुनको बकपत्र

रघु मैनाली

रघु मैनाली
रघु मैनाली

कुरा नयाँ होइन तर सान्दर्भिक भयो । त्यसैले केही लेख्नु जरुरी ठानेँ । म लिंग, नश्ल, वर्ण र रंगका आधारमा समाज र राज्यको परिभाषा खोज्ने प्राचीन मानव चेतनाको पक्षधर होइन । वर्तमानका मेरा सर्वजाति अभिभावक, संगी र भावी सन्ततिहरूबीच परस्पर घृणा फैलाउने र बदलाको भावना सिर्जना गर्ने कुरा म सोच्नसम्म पनि सक्तिनँ । तसर्थ, मेरै विगत र सन्निकट इतिहासको अतिव्याख्या, अल्पव्याख्या र अपव्याख्या भइरहेकाले तथ्य र यथार्थको उजागर गर्नु यो लेखको पहिलो अभिलाषा हो । इतिहासका नाममा चर्को स्वरले आफ्ना मनोगत स्वार्थहरूलाई भरमार व्याख्या गर्ने वर्तमानको नांगो ‘राजनीतिक’ प्रवृत्तिलाई खबरदारी गर्नु दोस्रो अभिलाषा हो ।

कुरा वर्तमानबाटै थालौँ । म नेपालको मेची महाकाली फैलिएर जुगौँदेखि बसोबास गरिरहेको खस बाहुन, क्षेत्री । एनेकपा (माओवादी) र केही कम्युनिस्ट कलेबरका जनजाति नेताहरूले हिजोआज चित्रण गर्ने गरेको सदिऔँदेखिको शासक र शोषणको पर्याय । नेपालको अन्तरिम संविधान–२०६३ को शब्दमा भन्दा म अन्य जाति । मेरो परिचय सत्ता राजनीतिको उन्मादले पटकपटक परिवर्तन गरिरहन्छ, जसले गर्दा मेरो विगत, वर्तमान र भविष्यको परिचय सत्ता स्वार्थका उन्मादी व्याख्याताहरूले आफ्नो अनुकूल व्याख्या गरे, गरिरहेका छन् र गरिरहने पनि छन् । भविष्यमा म कसरी परिचित हुन्छु, ठ्याम्मै थाहा छैन । तर, मेरो इतिहास, विगत र वर्तमानका बारेमा तपाईंलाई भन्नै पर्ने अब मसँग केही तथ्य, यथार्थ र सन्दर्भहरू छन् ।

अढाई सय वर्षअघिको नेपालको कुरा गर्ने हो भने यहाँ बाइसी चौबिसी राज्य थिए । ती राज्यमा वंशजका आधारमा राजा हुन्थे, शाह वंश, सेन वंश, मल्लवंश आदि । वंशजका आधारमा राजा हुनु भनेको जात वा सम्प्रदायको प्रतिनिधित्व गर्नु होइन । त्यसैले यस्ता राज्य व्यवस्थालाई इतिहासकारहरूले जहानियाँ शासन भने । त्यसबेला मेरो परिचय वंशीय राज्यको रङ्क थियो ।
मलाई पढाइएको इतिहासकै शब्दमा भन्दा विसं १८३० को सुरुआतसम्ममा गोरखाका शाहावंशीय राजा पृथ्वीनारायण शाहले बाइसी चौबिसी राज्यहरू एकीकरण गरी नेपाल देश बनाए । राजा पृथ्वीनारायणले १८३१ साउन २२ गतेको मुलुकी लाममोहरमा ‘किरात–लिम्बुवान क्षेत्र लिम्बू कुलभाइलाई दियौँ’ भनी लेखिदिए ।

यसैगरी रणबहादुर शाहले १८४३ सालमा लाममोहोर लगाई तिरो लिने अख्तियारी उनीहरूलाई दिए । राणाकालमा ठेक्काथितिअनुसार ३० रुपियाँ उठ्ती हुने ६० मुरी खलाखेत सरकारलाई बुझाउनेलाई सुब्बाको दर्जा र १५ रुपियाँ उठ्ती हुने ३० मुरी खलाखेत सरकारलाई बुझाउनेलाई राई दर्जा दिए । अहिले त्यही राणा शासकले दिएको दर्जा कमरेड अशोक राईहरूको चिनारी भएको छ । किपटीयाले आफ्नो किपटमा चलानीद्वारा अरू जातका मानिसलाई बसाउन पाउँथे । यसरी बसाइएका मानिसलाई रैती भनिन्थ्यो । उनीहरू रैतीबाट तिरो असुल्थ्ये । तिरोका अतिरिक्त सुव्बा जिम्मावालहरूले रैतीबाट असुल्ने ठेकीबेठी, नगद नजराना, झारा, दशैँभाग पर्थे । Continue reading खस क्षत्री–बाहुनको बकपत्र

मरिचमान मरे तर म खुशी भईन

पूर्वप्रधानमन्त्री मरिचमान सिंह तस्बिर- प्रकाश लामा सेतोपाटी.कम
पूर्वप्रधानमन्त्री मरिचमान सिंह तस्बिर- प्रकाश लामा सेतोपाटी.कम

सुलभ खत्री
यूडब्लूबी पाहुना ब्लग

मरिचमान मरे । मैले सम्झें ०४६ सालको त्यो एक दिन जव म त्रिपुरेश्वर सडकमा खुबै जोसिदै ‘मरिचेलाई फाँसी दे’ भनि चिच्याएको थिएँ । मरिचमानको मृत्यु त म त्यतिबेलै अर्थात २३ बर्ष अघि नै चाहन्थें म । उनी बल्ल अाज मरे । तर म खुशी हुन सकिन । साह्रै दुखी भएर आँशु पनि झारिन । अनि म प्रचन्ड र बाबुरामझैं गोहीका आँसु चुहाउदै मरिचमान निवासमा श्रृद्धान्जली अर्पण गर्न पनि गइन । किनकी मैले मरिचमान अरू केही नभएपनि नेवार हो, उसलाई सबैले देख्नेगरी श्रृद्धान्जली नदिए नेवारहरू चिढिन्छन् र आउदो चुनावमा उनीहरूको भोट पाइदैनभन्ने पनि सोचिन । तर मलाई मरिचमानप्रति सहानुभूति आएकै हो र त्यो कायमै छ । २३ बर्षअघि मरिचमानको ज्यान माग्न म आज उनी मर्दा किन उनीप्रति सहानुभूति राख्ने भएँ ? मैले निकै सोचेँ र जवाफ यस्तो पाएँ ।

तुलाना नगरी को कति राम्रो थाहा पाइदैन कहिलेकाहीँ । मरिचमान हटेपछिका वर्ष विशेषगरी वितेको ढेठ दशकमा नेपाली राजनीितमा जे भए तिनले मलाई दुखी तुल्याए । मैले (र, अरू लाखौं नेपालीले) घाटी दुख्नेगरी कराएर र केहीले ज्यानै दिएर हटाएको मरिचमानलाई विस्थापित गर्ने कांग्रेसले केही अव्यवस्थाका बीच हासिल गरेको आर्थिक बृद्धिलाई ०४६ सालको उपलब्धी- संसदीय प्रजातन्त्र-लाई निशाना बनाउदै थालिएको युद्धले तहसनहस पारिदियो । पक्कै कांग्रेसीहरूले जादुकै छडी चाही चलाउन सकेका थिएनन् । कतिपय गर्नै पर्ने काम पनि हुन सकेको थिएन । जगन्नाथ आचार्यजस्ता नेताले भुमीसुधार गर्न नपाएर मन्त्री पद छाड्नु पर्यो । अनि बलदेव मजगैया जस्ताले लोकमानहरूका अगाडी निरीह पर्नुपर्यो, त्यतिबेलै । तर निराशा शुरूहुनै लाग्दा नेपालमा ज्यान मार्नु फेसन बन्यो । मानिसहरूलाई उनीहरूका घर जमीनबाट लखेट्नु विस्थापित तुल्याइनु सामान्य बन्यो ।

अनि म देख्छु तीनै ज्यान मार्नेहरू जसले जातीयतामा विभाजन गरेर नेपाली समाज छियाछिया पारे, कैयौं निर्दोषको ज्यान लिए, बालकहरूलाई शिक्षा लिनबाट बन्चित तुल्याए, तिनै मानिसहरू नेपाली सडकमा कालोसिसा भएका गाडीमा प्रहरी सुरक्षामा साइरन बजाउदै कुदिरहेका छन् । बाटोमा हिड्दा उनीहरूको गाडीलाई अघि बढाउन पुलिसहरू हामी चढेका बस र बाइकलाई ठेल्छन्, पछाडी धकेल्छन्, ‘ओई!’ भन्दै कराउदै हामीलाई घुरेर हेर्दै अगाडी हुईक्याउछन् । ती अपराधीहरू दिनमा दसचोटी कुरा फेर्छन् परिस्थिती हेरेर अनि फाइदा केमा छ भन्ने गमेर । लासको राजनीति गर्ने यिनीहरू अचेल रणनीतिकरूपमा बलसहितको भोटको राजनीतिमा पनि छन् । त्यसैले छेपारोले झैं रंग फेरी रहन्छन, सोझा जनता झुक्याईरहन्छन् । हिजै मात्र तिनैमध्येका एकले एकल जातीयतामा आधारित संघीयता नेपालमा लागू नहुने कुरा शीर ठाडो पारेरै भने । त्यही मान्छे जो अघिल्लो वर्षसम्म “एकल जातीय राज्य पक्षधरको वृहत मोर्चा बनाउने गृहकार्यमा” थियो । जसले लडाईमा गुरिल्ला बटुल्न जातीयताको नारा दियो र धेरै जनता सचेत नभएको अघिल्लो चुनावमा एकल जातीयतामा आधारित संघियताको नाम र नंक्सा बाड्यो आज त्यही मान्छे जनतामा आएको सचेतताबाट सजग हुदै १८० डिग्रीमा फर्केर बोली फेर्दैछ । Continue reading मरिचमान मरे तर म खुशी भईन

Elections: Repeating History of Violence?

When leaders or parties lose their confidence to woo people through their policies and programmes, they resort to wielding violence to bring the election results to their favour.

By Sagar Ghimire

As November 19, the slated date for the Constituent Assembly election, draws closer, poll fever gradually grips the government, the Election Commission (EC) as well as the political parties. The EC is in full swing to make the election happen on the scheduled date. It enforced the Code of Conduct for the election and made the election time-table public too. Likewise, the government also held a meeting recently with security organs for the election to chart out a joint security strategy for the event.

However, political parties have failed to do their bit. Instead of forging a conducive and congenial environment to conduct the elections peacefully, the leaders of the parties are now fomenting violence through their speeches.
The unfortunate announcement from the CPN-Maoist to disrupt the election wasn’t as much a surprise as was the demand of the Nepali Congress leader and cadre to form their own ‘security squad’.

Though the NC president turned down the demand raised during the party’s Training of Trainers, the demand is indicative of the deeply embedded militant mindsets of the leaders and the cadres of all big parties. Continue reading Elections: Repeating History of Violence?

A Conversation with Departing Nepal Chief of the UK Aid Agency

Dominic O' Neill on his last day in office as Head of DFID Nepal.
Dominic O’ Neill on his last day in office as Head of DFID Nepal. Pic by Amish

By Siromani Dhungana
UWB

At one point on his last day in office as head of DFID Nepal, Dominic O’ Neill was waiting for reporters. And a photographer.

“So, you guys want to take a picture?” He said as he fixed his tie. “This will probably be the last meeting with journalist in my nearly two years of stay in Nepal.”

“Tomorrow,” he said on Friday, “I will be leaving this beautiful country. I will never forget this land. Be it Humla, Mustang, the Tarai or Hilly belt, my desire to visit all the parts of the country will always remain the same. This county will always stay fresh within my heart.”

In an hour long conversation with us (friends Gaurav Aryal and Amish), Dominic addressed a range of issues- from donors’ role in Nepal to socioeconomic situation. What Dominic says as head of DFID Nepal is important because the UK aid agency, called Department for International Development (DFID), is currently the largest bilateral donor in Nepal. DFID “disbursed £55.9m of bilateral development assistance” in Nepal in fiscal year 2012/13. The UK also “disbursed £3.56m as debt relief.” According to DFID Annual Report and Accounts, UK aid to Nepal for the FY 2012-13 was divided into several sectors: Continue reading A Conversation with Departing Nepal Chief of the UK Aid Agency

To All Privileged Bahun-Chhetri Elites of Nepal [and Zamindars of South

By a non-elite, unprivileged Bahun

I am totally amused, almost to death, by the hypocrisy of REAL Bahun Chhetri elites whose parents (bureaucrats, judges, ministers etc) were lucky (or corrupt or influential or combination of all) enough to make money to send their kids to top schools of Kathmandu (xaviers, ‘kanthas etc), D’ling and D’doons and to the collages and universities of amrika and belayet (Columbia, Brown, SOAS for example).

Is it a coincidence or just that I am selectively getting to read views of such ‘educated and rich’ bahuns/chhetris whose parents and grandparents had access to resource? A minister’s daughter or a judge’s son or a sachib’s grandson. Of course these elite bahuns/chhetris can rightly think that since they are privileged, well off and can live in between Kathmandu and (London, NY or Toronto) they don’t need any more facilities from the state.

These elite and privileged bahuns/chhetris- not sure if they are sympathizing with the janajati/southern movement or patronizing it- with their rosy glasses see all Bahuns and Chhetris of Nepal as rich and privileged as they are. But these elite bahuns/chhetris CAN NOT speak for the millions of poor bahuns and chhetris in rural areas of Nepal or those in Kathmandu who had to come here as a compulsion during the difficult times of conflict or those who somehow have built homes in Kathmandu by selling whatever they had in the villages and still live in incomplete/unfurnished or rented buildings in Kathmandu.

In this context comes the declaration of khas arya as indigenous people. The privileged and rich bahuns/chhetris and thakuris AND politically indoctrinated ones can ridicule this decision. But to portray ALL bahuns, chhetris as rich and privileged is simply a moronic act. When khas arya were promised to be counted as indigenous yesterday that included dalits too- one of the most underprivileged class in Nepal.

Btw, some of these elite bahuns/chhetris/thakuris may rightly claim that they went to those schools because they deserved that and were capable to getting partial or full scholarship (from the university or the likes of Fulbright for example). They conveniently forget that there could be equally talented and deserving people out there in some remote areas of Nepal. But those in remote areas- yes, poor bahuns and chhetris (and of course poor janajatis and dalits too but now my point is about poor bahuns and chhetris) didn’t have neither ACCESS nor resources to learn, to begin with, about the scholarships or the schools.

They were not in Kathmandu, where everything was/is, because their parents (or grandparents or great grandparents) were not the bureaucrats, judges, ministers (or other influentials like royal priests) based in Kathmandu. Their parents were not the farmers of the villages who had to toil day and night in the fields and look after cattle.

Just as there are two classes- poor/destitute and rich/elite- of khas arya, the janajatis and madhesis too have divisions in terms of prosperity and education. There are elite janajatis and elite madhesis as there are poor, underprivileged janajatis and poor, underprivileged madhesis. There are zamindar and feudal madhesis and there are superrich janajatis. There are dalit madheis and there are destitute janajatis.

Therefore the clear demarcation of rich and poor, privileged and unprivileged CAN NOT be done on ethnic or regional lines. It has to be done on the basis of poverty index. If one person gets more benefit form the state than other that has to be done on the basis of how poor (financially, culturally and politically) the person is. It CAN NOT be done in a wholesome manner with false claims that all bahun chhetris are rich, privileged and oppressors and all madheis and janajatis are poor, unprivileged and oppressed.

Federalization of Nepal can not be done on that flawed argument. That is why there can not be ONE Madhes ONE Pradesh or Provinces carved along the ethnic lines. It has to be done on the basis of need- who needs to get priority over whom. That prioritization should be done on the basis of, as stated earlier, poverty index (which is another way of saying resources, not identity) so that the same benefit can be offered to a dalit of Dhanusha, a poor janajati of Taplejung and a poor khas arya from Kalikot.