- by Basanta Basnet (‘Kantipur’ Daily, 28 Magh 2072/11 Feb 2016, Page 2)
(Unauthorised translation by Kanak Mani Dixit)
“In order to allow India to save face, on 7 Asoj/24 September in Rajbiraj we took the formal decision to take responsibility for the blockade. But when it came time, without informing us, India deployed plainclothes security personnel on 11 Magh/25 February to open the border point at Birgunj,” a top leader of the United Democratic Madhesi Morcha (UDMF) told Kantipur. “Now, the cadre, our supporters and the general public are angry with us.”
While talking for about an hour in Anamnagar, the leader’s two mobile phones rang continuously. He mostly ignored the calls, but when he did pick one up, he would answer with exasperation, “Please wait a few days. We will sit and take a joint decision.”
The end of Srawan (mid-August) is the deadline for renewing government licenses, factory registrations and the like. At that time, the Morcha had already started its protests against the constitution writing and federal demarcation. The government offices in the Madhes plains were closed, making it impossible to renew any document. The cadre and supporters have been pestering the harried leaders to get the Government to cancel the fines slapped in the intervening six months.
Then there are the ordinary citizens, who have nothing more than their lives, their families and children, and perhaps a little plot of land. Among them, there are many who have been maimed or disabled. The Morcha does not have a count of how many died or were wounded during the movement.
The leader said, “If the talks (with the Government) had reached a certain point of agreement, we would have been in a position to make strong demands on all these matters. But right now, our self-esteem does not allow us to approach the Government. After all, we are in a movement.”
A general strike had been called in the plains by the Federal Inclusive Mahdesi Alliance on 30 Srawan/15 August and by the Madhesi Morcha on 31 Srawan/16 August. When the Constitution was promulgated on 3 Asoj/20 September in spite of the Morcha’s displeasure and Indian lobbying, India had decided on its own to stop the transport of petroleum from the border points into Nepal.
After India started the blockade on 5 Asoj/22 September, the Front felt pressured to act. In informal meetings, India asked the Madhesi Morcha leaders to formally declare the blockade.
“The fact is, in earlier meetings we had ourselves suggested obstructing the border after violence had escalated (against) Madhes. We had even gone to Raxaul to ask Indian officials to prevent passage of goods,” said one Morcha leader. “At first, the Indians did not come forward, for fear of loss of income. Later, they were the ones who forced us to take the formal decision to blockade.”
There was a debate among the Morcha members, and the Rajbiraj meeting got extended. It ultimately declared the blockade on 7 Asoj/24 September, but by then transport of petroleum products had already been halted (by India) at all border points. By the time of the Chhat festival, all the transit points had been closed, barring some consignments of fruits and grain that were allowed across. Thereafter, however, only the Birganj-Raxaul transit point was completely blocked while the others were all open. The Morcha’s senior leaders are pained to ask today, “Why did India, after urging us to declare the blockade, proceed so enthusiastically by itself to lift it.”
The second-rung leadership is even more confused: “At the Bijuli Bazaar meeting in the middle of January, our senior leaders had already announced that they would change the nature of the movement after 18 Magh/1 February. So why did India deceive our leaders? Or did our leaders fail to understand India’s suggestion.”
The ongoing turbulence within the Morcha is the result of India’s diplomatic carelessness, maintains a leader of Sadbhavana Party. He is perplexed as to why India opened all the other border points and kept only Birganj blocked for such a long time.
The Morcha has come out with its new schedule of protests, but they seem merely symbolic. Meanwhile, differences within the Morcha are escalating. On 20 Magh/3 February, the TMLP Chair Mahanta Thakur went to stage a sit-in at the Miteri Bridge on the Birganj-Raxaul border, together with Vice-Chair Brishesh Chandra Lal and General Secretary Jitendra Sonal. There, Thakur said the blockade would continue.
But then the Sadbhavana Party Chair Rajendra Mahato arrived in Biratnagar the next day, on 21 Magh/4 February, and noted there was no logic to keeping Birganj closed, and this created a furor within the Morcha. When in a 25 Magh/8 February meeting the Federal Socialist Forum-Nepal Chair Upendra Yadav and TMLP leaders demanded that Mahato retract his statement, the latter staged a walk out. He has since threatened to start his own grand coalition or front.
TMLP General Secretary Sonal said he did not believe Mahato would be able to start an independent front. He said, “We have asked him to correct himself and join the common platform. He has yet to come out with his plans. Meanwhile, we will study our experience and go before the people.”
Sadbhavana Party General Secretary Manish Kumar Suman said that while there were some misunderstandings within the Morcha, his party would not be diverted from the movement. Even though there is propaganda that the blockade was conducted by India, he claimed that in reality it was done by the Morcha.
Said Suman, “If the border sit-in and general strike has benefited Madhesi people, we will get the credit. If it has done harm, then we will have to accept the blame. Why talk of others? There is no need to feel disheartened for having lifted the blockade. We should not forget that the other leaders had already announced their intention to change the nature of the movement before Sadbhavana’s Rajendra Mahato spoke up.”